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Challenges of democratic transition in Sudan: Demand for new paradigm
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03:04 PM July, 30 2022 Sudanese Online Ramah Ahmed رماح أحمد- My Library Short URL
As Sudanese people hoping for democratic transition, three years since late revolution have passed and the desired change has not yet accomplished. After 30 years of ousted Omer Al-Bashir; nothing has been changed or achieved so far.
Indeed, succession of the revolution was not sustained; since the military took over and following the controversial military - civilian led government. As repeated military coup took over last year on 25th October, the status quo put entirely into chaos. Although, the world leaders supported the military - civilian government, the hybrid model has not achieved its ultimate goals.
Despite the hope for change in Sudan through democratic model led by civilian the desired change has proved difficult as long as the military hold same autocratic agenda. Many believe that these agendas had been orchestrated by the dissolved Al-bashir' regime. As a result, the appointed civilian government during the last two years have faced many hurdles to realise the dream of the Sudanese people.
More than 100 casualties since the latest military coup on 25th October, according to Central Doctors' Committee, added the death of around 200 people during the peaceful sit- in organised in front of the People Army force headquartered in Khartoum just a month before signing the constitutional agreement between the army and political parties (Freedom and Change Alliance). The day of which Sudanese people cannot forget marked the 3rd of June became an annual event all Sudanese go out to the streets demand justice for their friends whom lost their lives.
Number of mediation and initiatives have been attempted since the late coup; support civilian government to lead the remaining transition period. Indeed, those initiatives including the latest one led by the three bodies; UNITAMS, African Union, and Igad were failed. On the other side, the Western countries presented in TRIOKA had made it clear will not support the military unless full return to civilian government. Recently, General Abd-alftah Al-Burhan followed by his deputy General Mohamed Hamdan known as Himidti; made his announcement they will not take part in any political negotiation. This move raises questions whether political parties should adhere to their proposition or they should simply ignore it and demand further concessions. Historically, there is a climate of distrust among the politicians themselves let alone the growing susceptible relationship between the leaders of the army forces and rebels. Hence, there are number of players with diverse agenda making any progress difficult and uncertain.
External support from international communities maybe a way forward, however, there seems to be a behavioural, technical and practical difficulties. The first involved the current widespread of the old fashion way of thinking that's view the involvement of the West is against the sovereignty and unity. Whilst, the second entails the need for uniformed manifestation built on future expectations driven by a wide consensus from multi-ethnic groups. The third is the practical approach so that form of constitutional body is important to appoint prime minister based on the credibility of participation, and who won the majority of votes. There should be measures in place for those break the transition period rules; i.e. imposed sanctions on personal level. Thus, the role of international community should be around working hand in hand with constitutional body to monitor the transition period and to prevent under taking acts.
Currently, the chair of the sovereign council General Abd Al-fatah Al- Burhan has been known by his loyalty to the dissolved party the dissolved National Congress party headed by ousted president Omer Al Bashir. The majority of the Sudanese people believes Al-Burhan preserve his loyalty to the Islamist regime; and so, he could simply make change in their favour.
On the other side, the deputy of the sovereign Council Mohamed Hemitti and the army link with Russian state remains questionable. Specially, after the controversial visit of Hemitti to Russia just a day before Russia invasion to Ukraine. Signs of corruption of the so- called Rapid Support Forces have apparently become major concern, and largely causes backlash to change. The latter army was created by Al-Bashir regime as militia to fight rebels in Darfur, the leader wanted by the international criminal court for alleged crime against humanity in the region. Later after the revolution and the expansion of the forces inside the capital of Khartoum, in particular, their involvement with Saudi- led alliance in Yemen, they have gained popularity, however, their alliance with the Sudanese army still remains major concern.
The West could help and support change in Sudan, despite the unprecedented support for civilian government led by prime minister Abdalla Hamdok; was not enough to achieve change and sustain democracy. There should be further support; technical and practical such as imposing sanctions against individuals blocking the way towards democratic change and who promote divisions and corruption.
Finally, realise change in Sudan seems to be surrounded by many challenges, however, the fact that the West countries can play a significant role by deterring acts promote civil wars and divisions. Politically speaking, the ideal change can be achieved from within, but can be socially and economically realised by building mutual relationships with countries; those support democratic change and stability of Sudan.
Ramah Ahmed Pro-democracy activist based in the UK Doctoral researcher, University of Derby
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