"زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين/ات بتشاد -

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مكتبة د.ندى مصطفى على(nada ali)
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26-10-2004, 04:48 AM

nada ali
<anada ali
تاريخ التسجيل: 01-10-2003
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"زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين/ات بتشاد -

    العزيزات و الاعزاء اعضاء و عضوات البورد

    تحية طيبة و رمضان كريم

    لكل من ي/تتساءل عن امكانية المساهمة المادية فى وجه الكارثة فى دارفور، و لمن سيخرجون/ن زكاة الفطر هذا العام، سيكون جيدا اذا قمتم/ن بتوظيفها لدعم انسان دارفور فى المناطق المتأثرة بالحرب و مناطق اللاجئين عن عن طريق بعض المنظمات العاملة فى المنطقة، و التى تصدر تقارير دورية حول عملها، خاصة منظمة الانقاذ الدولى، او عن طريق صندوق سودانيات. سيكون جيدا ايضا اذا تم تشجيع الصغار للمساهمة بجزء من مصروفهم/ن فى ذلك – هكذا يحسون/ن انهم/ن لا يقفون/ن مكتوفى الايدى.

    ادناه طرق الاتصال للدفع و نشاطات بعض المنظمات المعنية فى دارفور.

    1. لجنة الانقاذ الدولية

    الرجاء الاتصال بجورج جراهام على الايميل ادناه:

    George Graham, International Rescue Committee
    e-mail: [email protected]

    او الدفع عن طريق الرابط ادناه

    https://www.kintera.org/site/apps/ka/sd/donor.asp?cid={38C8B799...D5-9073-B81FE238D4FF}

    و هذا لنك به تقرير يوضح ما قامت به المنظمة حتى الان فى دارفور(و مناطق اخرى من السودان)

    http://www.theirc.org/index.cfm/wwwID/2070

    2. اوكسفام:

    من الممكن ارسال ايميل الى ادوارد فوكس على العنوان التالى:
    Edward Fox, Fundraising Director, Oxfam
    [email protected]

    Click below to see video;
    http://www.streamcity.co.uk/clients/oxfam2/
    Donate money now:
    http://www.oxfam.org.uk/what_you_can_do/give_to_oxfam/d...e/western_sudan2.htm


    3. لنك سودانيات (حان وقت العمل: تبرعوا لاجل دارفور)

    http://www.sudaniyat.net/forum/viewtopic.php?t=784

    الرجاء إرسال تبرعاتكم المالية عبر تحويل مصرفي إلى:

    إسم الحساب: Sudaniyat.Com Appeal for Darfur

    رقم الحساب: 50610380

    إسم البنك: بنك باركليز Barclays Bank

    الرمز التصنيفي للبنك: 17-69-20

    عنوان البنك:
    Portman Square Group
    9 Portman Square
    London W1A 3AL
    United Kingdom


    مع الشكر
    ندى
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26-10-2004, 06:40 AM

Roada


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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    Tnanks Dr. Nada for this post,
    I will be back to it later

    (عدل بواسطة Roada on 27-10-2004, 09:30 PM)

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26-10-2004, 02:57 PM

alin


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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    sallaam Nada,
    just to keep the post up OXFAM Canada-Québec branch also has been taking donations online since Sept.
    they have supported us with organizing a fundraiser for Darfur within the African community here earlier this month

    to donate online, here is the link

    https://www.strategicprofitsinc.com/hosted/oxfam/
    http://www.oxfam.ca/
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28-10-2004, 01:40 AM

nada ali
<anada ali
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    العزيزة رودا
    سلامات
    شكرا لرفع البوست
    و اتمنى ان يجد الاهتمام الكافى.

    العزيزة نبرة
    سلامات و تحايا
    شكرا لاضافة الرابط، و ارجو ان تكونوا قد وفقتم فى ايجاد دعم كبير.
    always proud of you

    ندى
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28-10-2004, 03:46 AM

خضر حسين خليل
<aخضر حسين خليل
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    الدكتوره
    ندي
    رمضان كريم

    اقتارح جيد وعملي جدا ارجوا ان ينظر له من الجميع بعين الاعتبار ودمتي
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28-10-2004, 05:39 PM

hala guta

تاريخ التسجيل: 13-04-2003
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    Dear Nada
    Salam
    This post should be up
    The African Student Union,Ohio University, will sponsor a benefit dinner for Darfur November6 ,2004
    I will be back with more datails later
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28-10-2004, 06:14 PM

Nada Amin

تاريخ التسجيل: 17-05-2003
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    شكرا يا د. ندى على إعلامنا بهذه الخطوة الآنسانية النبيلة و أتمنى النجاح لها من أجل أهلنا الصابرين في دارفور.
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28-10-2004, 09:13 PM

bayan
<abayan
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: Nada Amin)

    ندعم هذا الاتجاه

    ونتمنى ان يجد هذا النداء الاستجابة..
    ولكن هناك تنويه زكاة الفطر لا تتجاوز الدريهمات عادة
    فارسالها يكلف اكثر منها بمراحل...
    ولذلك ندعم التبرعات العادية..

    وربنا يعين
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28-10-2004, 10:57 PM

hamid hajer
<ahamid hajer
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: bayan)

    الأخت .. ندا
    رمضان كريم ..
    قضية دارفور في شقه الأنساني ..
    في حاجة ملحة الي القيام بمثل هذه المبادرة ..
    كما أن للمبادرة مغزاه الوطني النبيل ..
    طوبي للسودان وانت العنوان ..
    مع خالص تقديرنا لك ..
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29-10-2004, 03:00 AM

برير اسماعيل يوسف
<aبرير اسماعيل يوسف
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: hamid hajer)

    الدكتورة ندي مصطفي
    سلام

    لا اعتقد بان اهل دارفور في حاجة (لزكاة غسيل المسلمين/ات لذنوبهم/هن), فعلي المسلمين/ات ان يتطهروا من ذنوبهم/هن بعيدا عن اهل دارفور!! و لا اعتقد بان الثوار/الثائرات في دارفور يقدمون/ن انفسهم/هن في هذه المعركة العادلة, اي معركة تحرير الانسان من الفقر و القهر و التسلط و الاستعلاء الثقافي و العرقي و كذب الساسة و فهلوتهم/ن السياسية و استعباطهم/ن السياسي , لا اعتقد بان الغرض من كل هذه الثورة هو انتظار زكاة تطهير ذنوب المسلمين/ات, علما بان معظم من سيقومون/ن بدفع هذه الزكوات هم/ن السبب الاساسي لما يدور في دارفور بصورة خاصة و السودان بصورة عامة!! لان الغالبية العظمي من اهل السودان لا يستطيعون/ن دفع زكوات الفطر او غير الفطر.

    و جميل جدا ان ينادي دعاة السودان الجديد(العلماني) و ناس كارل ماركس و لينين و انجلز بجمع زكوات صيام المسلمين/ات من اجل (الكارثة الانسانية ) في دارفور!! فهذه الكارثة المسماة انسانية كانت في الاصل نتيجة اكثر من طبيعية لسياسات الانظمة المتعاقبة على حكم السودان منذ فترة تجاوزت الخمسة عقود. و اتمني الا اري اليوم الذي يفتح فيه شخص اخر بوستا اخر بعنوان زكاة اموال المسلمين/ات لدعم متضرري/ات (الكارثة الانسانية)!! لاهل قرية ناس قريعتي راحت.!!

    واعتقد بان ما يحتاجه اهل السودان اجمعين بصورة عامة و اهل دارفور بصور خاصة ليس هو جمع زكوات صيام المسلمين/أت او جمع زكاة المقادير او زكاة المال الذي حال عليه الحول و انما هو العدل في اقتسام الثروة و السلطة في السودان في ظل عهد ديمقراطي يرتضيه اهل السودان, هذا العهد لا مكان فيه ليد عليا و اخري سفلي, هذا العهد لا مكان فيه لناطحات كروش بشرية و اخري تتضور جوعا و الما, هذا العهد لا مكان فيه لساكني/ات منازل البروش التي لا تقيء من الحرور و العواصف و اخري لا ترميها الصواعق و الزلازل و البراكين.

    اخيرا و ليس اخرا نحترم كل وجهات النظر المنادية بجمع زكوات الفطر لدرء (الكارثة الانسانية في دارفور) !!
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29-10-2004, 03:56 AM

nada ali
<anada ali
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    الاخ العزيز خضر حسين خليل
    رمضان كريم
    كل الشكر لدعم الاقتراح، و ارجو ان تقتسمه مع من تعرف.
    لك التحية

    العزيزة هالة قوته
    تحايا و سلام، و اتمنى ان يكون المقام قد طاب لك و مزيد من التفوق. امنياتى بنجاح اليوم و العشاء الخيرى و ارجو ان تعودى بمعلومات اكثر حوله.

    العزيزة ندى امين (شنو طريقة المخاطبة الفورمال دى؟)
    شكرا لمرورك هنا و ارجو ان تفيدينا بمعلومات و روابط فى امريكا لان التبرع من خلالها سيكون اسهل للمقيمين هناك.

    ندى
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29-10-2004, 04:08 AM

soma

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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    الاخت العزيزه .. د/ ندى ..
    رمضان كريم وتصومى وتفطرى على خير ..
    حقيقى عمل انسانى كبير ..وموقف منك يستحق الدعاء لكى صباح ومساء فى هذا الشهر الفضيل..
    وقلوبنا مع اهلنا فى دار فور ..
    اييد اقتراحك ونحن معكى باذن الله ..
    جزاك الله خيرا .. ودمتى ..
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29-10-2004, 04:17 AM

nada ali
<anada ali
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    العزيزة نجاة
    سلامات و تحايا
    اتفق معك ان مبالغ زكاة الفطر عادة تكون صغيرة و هناك عدة طرق يمكن من خلالها المساهمة. البعض يريدون و يردن ان يتأكدوا ان مساهماتهم/ن تصرف فى الاوجه التى من اجلها دفعت و هذا من حقهم/ن. و لهذا يفضلون/ن المساهمة من خلال المنظمات الانسانية (خاصة اذا كانوا مقيمين/ات خارج السودان. و من الممكن ان تجمع الزكاة من عدة أسر و افراد و تتم المساهمة بصورة جماعيةلتقليل التكلفة و ضمان ان تصل اكبر كمية من الدعم لاهلنا المتضررين/ات.
    اشكرك كثيرا على المرور بهذا البوست.

    الاخ الكريم حامد حجر
    تحية طيبة و رمضان كريم
    اتفق معك تماما ان

    Quote: قضية دارفور في شقه الأنساني ..
    في حاجة ملحة الي القيام بمثل هذه المبادرة


    فبالرغم من اهمية و مركزية الجوانب الاخرى، فان الشق الانسانى يمثل مسألة حياة او موت فى هذه اللحظة، و نحتاج لتأمين اى شكل ممكن من الدعم. اشكرك كثيرا على كلماتك الطيبة فهذا واجبنا جميعا و القليل الذى يقدم لا يساوى كل التضحيات التى يقدمها اخوتنا و اخواتنا هناك و لا الضنك الذى يلاقيه المواطنين/ات، لهذا فدائما ما احس بالتقصير.

    مع خالص التقدير و الاحترام

    ندى
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29-10-2004, 04:46 AM

nada ali
<anada ali
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    العزيزة سوما
    تحية طيبة و رمضان كريم

    معك اردد

    Quote: قلوبنامع اهلنا فى دارفور


    احييك لدعم الاقتراح (المشترك مع خالد كودى لهذا ارجو ان تدعى له ايضا ) و ارجو ان تحثى كل من تعرفين للمساهمة.

    ندى
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29-10-2004, 11:13 AM

خالد عمار
<aخالد عمار
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    Nada
    can you tell the readers also, What do you did for the Yarinja Refugees Camp children, I think it is very important for your credibility otherwise we wii tell them.
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29-10-2004, 11:25 PM

nada ali
<anada ali
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)
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30-10-2004, 00:39 AM

nada ali
<anada ali
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    جولي: وضع دارفور مرعب لدرجة يصعب تصديقها:



    Quote: جولي: وضع دارفور مرعب لدرجة يصعب تصديقها:



    وصفت الممثلة أنجلينا جولي الأزمة في منطقة دارفور السودانية بأنها ''فظيعة إلى حد لايصدق'' وذلك عقب زيارة للمنطقة استغرقت ثلاثة أيام· وسبق لجولي وهي سفيرة للنوايا الحسنة بالمفوضية العليا لشؤون اللاجئين ان زارت لاجئين في العديد من البلدان التي تمزقها الحروب ولكنها قالت : إن دارفور صدمتها باعتبارها أسوأ ما رأت بسبب استمرار انتهاكات الحقوق وأعمال العنف وأنه لايوجد مكان آمن بها· وقالت : ''يمكني القول إن هذا أسوأ موقف شاهدته على الإطلاق وإن مايحدث للناس هنا···فظيع الى حد لايصدق·· الحقيقة ان هذا من أسوأ الأشياء التي وقعت لبشر على كوكب الأرض'' · تقول الأمم المتحدة إن الصراع في دارفور والذي أجبر 1,6 مليون شخص على الفرار من ديارهم أدى إلى واحدة من أسوأ الأزمات الإنسانية في العالم· وهددت المنظمة الدولية السودان بفرض عقوبات إذا فشل في وقف أعمال العنف التي تصفها الولايات المتحدة بأنها إبادة جماعية· وزارت جولي وتبرعت بأموال للاجئين سودانيين في مصر وتشاد وقابلت لاجئين في سيراليون وساحل العاج وكمبوديا وكوسوفو ودول أخرى· وقالت ان الصراع في دارفور معقد ومن الصعب فهمه ولكن كان واضحا أنه لايوجد مكان آمن بشكل تام في المنطقة الشاسعة· وقالت للصحفيين في الخرطوم ''لم يسبق لي إطلاقا أن شاهدت شيئا كهذا هذا يبدو لي وضعا لانهاية له···انه مستمر حاليا··إنه لاينتهي والمساعدات تصل··وهو مستمر·'' وأضافت أنها تحدثت الى العديد من النساء اللاتي تعرضن للاغتصاب بينما قال لها أطفال إنهم يريدون الأمن فقط ليعيشوا حياتهم في سلام· وناشدت جولي المجتمع الدولي تقديم التمويل بشكل كامل للعديد من منظمات الإغاثة العاملة في دارفور·



    العدد 10709 السبت 16 رمضان 1425 هـ / 30 - 10 - 2004 م
    صحيفة الاتحادالاماراتية
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30-10-2004, 01:28 AM

bayan
<abayan
تاريخ التسجيل: 13-06-2003
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    العزيزة ندى

    ان شاء الله سناخذ بفكرتك ونطرحها على الجالية هنا.. ونتمنى ان ننجح
    الدال على الخير كفاعله شكرا..
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30-10-2004, 01:44 AM

hamid hajer
<ahamid hajer
تاريخ التسجيل: 12-08-2003
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: bayan)


    Quote: ABECHE, Chad, Oct 26 (UNHCR) – Water supplies are drying up for tens of thousands of Sudanese refugees in eastern Chad, warned the UN refugee agency, saying that at least one refugee camp could run out of water within two weeks




    Quote: The need for security and access to displaced people's home villages were the key concerns raised by UNHCR Goodwill Ambassador Angelina Jolie as she ended a three-day visit to Sudan's strife-torn West Darfur province today
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30-10-2004, 05:57 PM

Roada


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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)
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31-10-2004, 02:04 AM

nada ali
<anada ali
تاريخ التسجيل: 01-10-2003
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    العزيزة نجاة
    كثير الشكر على مرورك و على الجهود مع الجالية.

    الاخ العزيز حامد حجر
    شكرا للصور
    الماء و المسكن و الامن! ابسط ضروريات الحياة و اهمها غير متوفرة!

    العزيزة رودا
    كثير الشكر لهذا الموقع الهام

    --------------
    AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
    PRESS RELEASE


    AI Index: AFR 54/127/2004 (Public)
    News Service No: 232
    21 September 2004


    Sudan: Distress, denial and disappointment in Darfur
    Findings of Amnesty International visit to Darfur
    The picture in Darfur is one of distress, denial and disappointment. Distress of people whose lives and livelihood have been destroyed, denial of responsibility by the Sudanese government and disappointment at the slow progress to resolve this crisis, concluded Amnesty International, the first international non-governmental human rights organisation to visit Sudan and meet with senior members of the Sudanese government, since the Darfur crisis began.

    In a marked departure from past practice, the mission delegates were given free and full access to Darfur. Delegates visited Al Jeneina, Nyala and Al Fasher and met with senior government ministers and officials in Khartoum and Darfur, as well as international organizations and civil society representatives.

    The visit confirmed Amnesty International’s earlier analysis of attacks on villages by government supported militia, in some cases backed by the Sudanese armed forces, killing civilians, #####ng and burning homes.

    The delegation saw several sites where villages had been burnt to the ground, or abandoned and which were now almost overgrown with vegetation. They saw camels, goats and cattle being grazed by nomads on land where previously villages of farming tribes had been situated.

    They heard first hand accounts of atrocities from displaced persons in camps and villages in western Darfur and in Nyala in southern Darfur. Two women described how, in February 2004, their village near Nuri in western Darfur was attacked by armed militia and bombed, leaving some 130 people dead. One of the women said that so many men had been killed that it was left to the women to bury the dead and she and another woman had buried seven men. The women placed the bodies they could not bury that evening in a shelter, but they said that the Janjawid returned in the night and burnt the shelter and the bodies.

    "While we found engagement and admission of violations of human rights and international humanitarian law by some members of the government there was total denial by others. Such denial is insulting to the victims," said Irene Khan, Secretary General of Amnesty International.

    "The displacement of people continues -- people are still being uprooted from their homes by fighting as well as by deliberate attacks on civilians," stated Bill Schulz, AI USA Executive Director and a member of the delegation, as he described the recent arrival of 3,000 people to Kalma camp.

    The delegates visited displaced people from nomadic tribes now in Musai camp near Nyala, where they heard "mirror image" accounts of killings and rapes said to have been committed by the insurgents. Amnesty International condemns strongly all violations of international humanitarian law committed by armed political groups.

    Amnesty International acknowledged the government’s efforts to increase the number of police in Darfur by redeployment from other parts of Sudan. However, often they are not properly equipped. Furthermore, the delegation heard from displaced persons that police did not investigate their complaints and that some of Janjawid had been absorbed apparently into the police and government militia.

    "Because of rampant insecurity and the failure to address past abuses, those who have suffered say they do not trust the government. They say they don’t feel safe in the camps, they say they are filled with fear outside. Every person we spoke to in the camps was adamant that they do not feel safe enough to return to their villages," said Samkelo Mokhine, Chair of AI South Africa, and a delegate on the mission.

    "In this situation the only solution is a massive increase in monitors. An international presence in every district is what is needed now to build the confidence of the people and improve security."

    Amnesty International welcomes the proposed increase of AU monitors. "But it is not just an issue of numbers but also of ensuring that the mandate and capacity of the AU monitors are strengthened to enable them to meet the expectations. The UN human rights observers must also be dramatically increased and properly resourced to carry out their responsibilities."

    "Indicators and benchmarks to judge progress on protection of human rights must be qualitative and not quantitative -- it is not a question of numbers of monitors and observers but of their impact on the protection of civilians; it is not a question of simply having more policemen, but of them having the ability and willingness to protect people," said Ms Khan.

    "Restoring security is essential to enable people to return home voluntarily and in safety and dignity. The significance of establishing these conditions cannot be too heavily underscored. Otherwise there is a risk that ethnic cleansing might lead to ethnic re-engineering," cautioned Ms Khan, pointing out that prolonged displacement could upset the demographic balance in the region.

    The Amnesty International delegation found that the "safe areas" designated by the Government of Sudan do not provide real safety to those living there, imply that those living elsewhere can be attacked with impunity, and is a disincentive for restoring security elsewhere.

    "The UN must persuade the Government of Sudan to abandon this concept and instead put its weight behind the already agreed Plan of Action to enhance safety throughout Darfur by stopping violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, respecting the ceasefire, disarming and disbanding the militia, and ending impunity."

    "The authorities told us that they have arrested, prosecuted and punished some Janjawid but the cases we tracked with the judicial authorities in El Jeneina and Nyala confirmed our impression that impunity remains largely unaddressed," said Ms Khan.

    Amnesty International welcomes the request by the UN Security Council for the rapid establishment of an independent International Commission of Inquiry, which has been one of Amnesty International's key recommendations for some months, to investigate war crimes and crimes against humanity and establish whether genocide has taken place.

    The delegation concluded that the humanitarian situation in Darfur remains extremely precarious, despite full and free humanitarian access. "The region does not have the infrastructure to allow a humanitarian operation of this scale to be run for a long period of time. If displacement continues, access is lost, international assistance and attention drops, there is still a possibility that the crisis could turn into a catastrophe."

    "Darfur must remain on the agenda of the international community until the people are able to live freely and safely," declared Ms Khan.

    Background
    An Amnesty International delegation headed by its Secretary General Irene Khan and which included the Director of Amnesty International USA and the Chair of Amnesty International South Africa, visited Darfur from 14-21 September 2004 to gather information, assess the human rights aspects of the crisis and press the Government of Sudan to take action.

    Mission delegates:
    Irene Khan, Secretary General, Amnesty International
    William Schulz, Director of Amnesty International USA
    Samkelo Mokhine, Chair of Amnesty International South Africa

    From the International Secretariat in London:
    Erwin van der Borght, Deputy Program Director Africa
    Elizabeth Hodgkin and Lamri Chirouf, researchers
    Judit Arenas, External Relations Adviser
    Selina Nelte, Audio Visual team

    High resolution images of the mission in Sudan can be downloaded from http://news.amnesty.org/pages/sudan_photos



    Public Document
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03-11-2004, 02:09 AM

nada ali
<anada ali
تاريخ التسجيل: 01-10-2003
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    المعايير السياسية في تشكيل مصداقية العدالة

    (رواندا – دارفور) نموذجا

    عدنان زاهر

    http://www.d-a.org.uk/opinion/sadati/essays.htm

    يعتقد كثير من الخبراء السياسيين والمراقبين الراصدين للأحداث العالمية، اٍن المذابح الدولية التي جرت أحداثها في رواندا عام 1994 تحت سمع وبصر الانسانية ومؤسسات ضبطها الدولي. كان من الممكن تداركها ومنع وقوعها أو حتى التقليل منها لو تدخلت الأمم المتحدة في الوقت المناسب وقبل تفاقم الأحداث ومن ثم فقدان السيطرة عليها. بل كان من الممكن انقاذ أرواح كثير من التوتسي الذين راحوا ضحية العنف العرقي والاٍثني. يقول هؤلاء المتابعين كانت الدول العظمى تناقش في لا مبالاة وعدم اهتمام وهدوء يصل لدرجة (الأريحية) أحداث رواندا وتطرح تلك الأسئلة المطاطة هل ما يحدث في رواندا هو ابادة عرقية تستدعي تدخل الأمم المتحدة والمجتمع الدولي لاٍنقاذ المهددة حياتهم؟! وهل ما يحدث يتطابق والهلوكوست الذي وقع في ألمانيا النازية اٍبان الحرب العالمية الثانية؟ وهل وهل......

    ذلك الزمن الذي استغرقه النقاش والجدل البيزنطي تمكن الهوتو من قتل مليون توتسي في أيشع مجزرة بشرية يشهدها القرن العشرين ولا يماثلها اٍلا ما تم في أرمنيا عندما أباد الأتراك المسلمين مليون أرمني لا زالت ذكراهم تثير الشجن والمرارة لدي الشعب الأرمني.

    في ذلك الوقت بالتحديد لم تكن رواندا واحدة من الأجندة الأساسية للدول التي تمسك بخيوط السياسة العالمية. فالاٍهتمام كان موجهاً بشكل أساسي لما يدور في البلقان. وفي نهاية الأمر لم تكن الدول الاوربية مهتمة بدول صغيرة (مغمورة) تقبع في أعماق القارة (السوداء)!!

    عندما أصدرت الأمم المتحدة قرارها رقم 955 في8 نوفمبر 1994 نتيجة للسخط العالمي والضغوط المتعددة لمحاسبة المتسببين في تلك المآسي. كان القرار بمثابة حفظ لماء الوجه ومحاولة لمعالجة ما ترتب علي تلك الأحداث. بمعنى آخر كان ذلك القرار افراغاً لدور الأمم وميثاقها الأساسي وتغيير لدورها من أداة لحفظ الأمن والسلام العالمي اٍلى وسيلة فقط لتدارك نتائج الانتهاكات العالمية ( أو كما يقول أهل القانون من أداة لمنع الجريمة اٍلى أداة لتدارك آثار الجريمة.) ليس ذلك فقط حتى محكمة رواندا الجنائية شاب تكوينها ونظامها الأساسي كثير من المفارقات والسلبيات، ودون الخوض في تفاصيل كثيرة لا مجال لذكرها هنا نعطي مثالا واحدا لما أوردنا سابقا. ضعف التمويل وعدم الأهتمام أدى اٍلى ان يكون المدعي العام لمحكمة يوغسلافيا الدولية لمحكامة المتسببين في انتهاكات الحرب مدعياً أيضا لهذه المحكمة لبلدين تفصل بينهما آلاف الكيلومترات مما انعكس – وبالضرورة – سلباً على سير اجراءات محكمة رواندا وفعاليتها، كان واضحا أن جل اهتمام الدول العظمى ولأسباب سياسية موجها لما يحدث في يوغسلافيا (الشيوعية سابقا) مما أعطى انطباعاً عاماً بازدواجية المعايير في تعامل منظمات الأمم المتحدة بالبلدان المختلفة.

    بعد عقد من الزمان وفي حقبة يعتقد الكثيرين انها حقبة تهتم بحقوق الاٍنسان ومحاولات جادة لترسيخ المفاهيم الاٍنسانية نظرياً وفعلياً تقع أحداث مأسآوية مشابهة لما حدث في رواندا وفي بلد أفريقي آخر هو السودان وفي اٍقليم دارفور.

    في تلك المنطقة التي تقع في أقصى غرب السودان جرت ولا زالت تجري أبشع كارثة يشهدها القرن الحالي وذلك وفقا لتوصيف منظمات حقوق الاٍنسان والأمم المتحدة والاٍعلام العالمي. منذ فبراير 2003 وفي فترة لا تتجاوز 18 شهرا قتل 50000 وشرد أكثر من مليون هائمين على وجوههم مفتقرين لأبسط مقومات الحياة. كل ذلك القتل وعمليات الاٍغتصاب المنظم وحرق القرى الآمنة قد تم بواسطة مليشيات الجنجويد العربية باتفاق وتنسيق تام مع حكومة الخرطوم (الاٍنقاذ) والتي تهدف لتنفيذ برنامجها العربي الاٍسلامي واجراء تغيير جغرافي واقتصادي لصالحها.

    مرة أخرى تنخرط الدول المهيمنة على الساحة الدولية في جدلها البيزنطي وكورالها المعاد والمراوغ حول تعريف ما يحدث في دارفور. هل ما يحدث في تلك المنطقة المنكوبة هو ابادة عرقية أم شئ آخر لا يرقي لمستوى الاٍبادة؟!!

    ولكي نوضح للقارئ عقم ذلك الجدل نحاول اشراكه من خلال عرض ما تنص عليه قوانين الأمم المتحدة ماهية جريمة الاٍبادة . اتفاقية منع جريمة ابادة الجنس البشري والعقاب عليها لعام 1948 المادة الثالثة تعرف جريمة الاٍبادة الجماعية كالآتي: هي أفعال القتل الجماعي والحاق الضرر الجسدي أو العقلي الجسيم بافراد الجماعة، أو اخضاع الجماعة عمداً لأحوال معينة يقصد بها اهلاكها الفعلي كليا أو جزئيا أو فرض تدابير تستهدف منع الانجاب داخل الجماعة أو نقل أطفال الجماعة عنوة الى جماعة أخرى، متى ارتكبت بقصد اهلاك جماعة قومية أو اثنية أو عرقية أو دينية بصفتها هذه اهلاكاً كلياً أو جزئياً.

    هذا التعريف تبناه لاحقاً نظام روما الأساسي للمحكمة الجنائية الدولية في المادة (6).

    مفهوم جريمة الاٍبادة يثير مشكلتين رئيسيتين هما محور النقاش الدائر الآن أولهما: (1) تصنيف الجماعات المستهدفة عرقيا (2) نية الاٍبادة.

    كما هو واضح في تعريف جوهر جريمة اٍبادة الجنس البشري هو وجود النية على الاٍهلاك الكلي أو الجزئي لأحد الجماعات التي ورد ذكر على سبيل الحصر وهي الجماعات القومية أو الاٍثنية أو العرقية أو الدينية.

    نضيف هنا أن هنالك نقاشاً يدور في أوسط المهتمين بحقوق الاٍنسان والقوانين الدولية في ان تعريف جريمة الاٍبادة قاصرا عن مواكبة المتغيرات والتطورات ويعتقدون أن التعريف يجب أن يشمل الجماعات السياسية والاٍجتماعية. لا بد أن نشير هنا ايضا أن مفهوم تعريف الاٍبادة قد توسع ليشمل جريمة الاٍغتصاب اٍذا ارتكبت بهدف القضاء على الجماعة فقد أصدرت محكمة رواندا الجنائية الدولية (في سابقة فريدة) في قضية (كاسيو) أن أفعال الاٍغتصاب التي ارتكبها الهوتو ضد التوتسي تشكل جريمة ابادة الجنس البشري.

    ميثاق الأمم المتحدة يسمح باستخدام القوة في حالتين فقط. في المادة (5) في حالة الدفاع عن النفس والحالة الأخرى (الفصل السابع) للحفاظ على السلم ومنع العدوان ويجب أن يكون التدخل في هذه الحالة بناء على قرار صادر من مجلس الأمن. جديراً هنا أن نذكر أن الأمم المتحدة قد تدخلت في تاريخها وفقاً للفصل السابع لحفظ الأمن والسلام مرتين وذلك في الصومال ويوغسلافيا.

    من واقع الحال يتضح أن موقف العالم تجاه مشكلة دارفور توجه بوصلته المعايير السياسية ولكي يتضح ذلك نستعرض باختصار غير مخل مواقف الدول والمنظمات الدولية.

    الولايات المتحدة ممثله في الكونجرس ترى أن ما يحدث في دارفور هو جريمة اٍبادة عرقية تتطابق وما نصت عليه المواثيق الدولية، الاٍتحاد الأفريقي والاٍتحاد الأوربي يرى أن ما يحدث في دارفور لا يرقى لمستوى الاٍبادة الجماعية (مسك العصا من النصف). الدول العربية تتزعمها مصر (التي اتسعت مصالحها في السودان) تتبنى وبشكل كامل رأي حكومة السودان وتنفي جملة وتفصيلاً ما يدور هنالك وتصفه بأنه تجاوزات تقوم بها عصابات مسلحة!!!!!

    أما الصين وروسيا فهما يتخذان موقفا مؤيدا لحكومة السودان فالأولى لها استثماراتها البترولية الضخمة التي لا تغامر بفقدانها والثانية هي أكبر مورد للسلاح للسودان .

    يتبقى فقط منظمات حقوق الاٍنسان فمعظمها بعد تحرياتها الدقيقة وأدلتها المستمدة من أرض الواقع ترى أن ما يدور في دارفور هي اٍبادة عرقية.

    دون الدخول في متاهات ذلك الجدل نقول أن ما يحدث في دارفور الآن لا يتحمل كل تلك المغالطات والحذلقة القانونية. اٍن المسائل الاٍنسانية في هذه الحالة يجب أن تعلو وتسود على المسائل الاٍجرائية والشكلية، وحياة الآلاف مهددة بالفقدان في كل لحظة في ذلك الاٍقليم. اٍن ايقاف نزيف الدم ومنع الضرر وايقاف التهجير القسري هو واجب مقدم. اٍن أي موقف لاحقاً لجبر الضرر أو محاسبة من تسبب في زهق أرواح الكثيرين يصبح لا معنى له بعد موت الضحايا وتشكيل واقع جديد على الأرض.

    تتوقع منظمة الصحة العالمية في أحدث تقاريرها بعد دخول الخريف أن يصيب الاٍقليم وباء الكوليرا، يعقبه وباء الملاريا بالاضافة عن وباء الكبد الوبائي الذي يعاني منه كل الأقليم الآن.

    تضيف منظمات الاٍغاثة أنها تملك 40% من القدرة المالية لمكافحة تلك الكوارث (ناهيك عن العقبات التي تضعها السلطة في وجه أداء مهمتها.)

    اٍن الاٍنسانية لا تتعلم من تجاربها وتكرار رواندا أخرى في دارفور لا يعكس فقط لا أخلاقية الموقف ولكنه أيضا يدل على غباء الاٍنسانية، سذاجتها، طفولتها وفي نهاية الأمر انتهازيتها.

    مراجع:

    1) International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda

    2) المحكمة الجنائية والسيادة الوطنية – عادل ماجد

    3) ميثاق الأمم المتحدة

    4) The Economist July – August 2004

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03-11-2004, 08:41 PM

Nada Amin

تاريخ التسجيل: 17-05-2003
مجموع المشاركات: 1626

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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    العزيزة ندى امين (شنو طريقة المخاطبة الفورمال دى؟)
    العزيزة ندوية(أها ندوية دي كيف معاكي)
    إتخيلي ما عارفه بس جاني مزاج المرة الفاتت أكتب د. ندى

    معجبة جدا بهمتك و نشاطك الذي لا يفتر من أجل عالم أكثر عدالة.
    إذا وجدت أي معلومات لمنظمات أمريكية بهذ الخصوص تأكدي أنني لن أتردد في مشاركتكم/ن لها ها هنا.
    ودي و تقديري لكي يا ندى.
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04-11-2004, 01:32 AM

ghurba


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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: Nada Amin)

    العزيزه ندي
    تاني .......اللهم اكثر من ميلاد نساء بهذه الهمه
    والله حقو الزول يغير اسمه لندي!
    لك الود..
    غربه
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04-11-2004, 02:42 AM

nada ali
<anada ali
تاريخ التسجيل: 01-10-2003
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    العزيزة "ندوية"
    كفارة الانتخابات
    و الله ما عجبنا ليكم

    شكرا لكلماتك الطيبة انت و غربة لكن فى ناس بتشتغل بهمة اكثر و اكثر (يعنى مافى مقارنة). واعرف انك لا تقصرين فى دعم الحملة.
    العزيزة غربة
    مشتاقين و مرحبا بعودتك بالسلامةو ارجو ان يكون المؤتمر العلمى الفذ قد تكلل بالنجاح.

    (عدل بواسطة nada ali on 08-11-2004, 07:08 AM)

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08-11-2004, 07:12 AM

nada ali
<anada ali
تاريخ التسجيل: 01-10-2003
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    From: [email protected]



    Quote: Pambazukanews.

    Editorial HOW CAN WE NAME THE DARFUR CRISIS: PRELIMINARY THOUGHTS ON DARFUR

    Mahmood Mamdani

    How can we name the Darfur crisis? The US Congress, and now Secretary of State Colin Powell, claim that genocide has occurred in Darfur. The European Union says it is not genocide. And so does the African Union.

    Nigerian President Obasanjo, also the current Chair of the African Union, told a press conference at the United Nations Headquarters in New York on September 23: "Before you can say that this is genocide or ethnic cleansing, we will have to have a definite decision and plan and program of a government to wipe out a particular group of people, then we will be talking about genocide, ethnic cleansing. What we know is not that. What we know is that there was an uprising, rebellion, and the government armed another group of people to stop that rebellion. That's what we know. That does not amount to genocide from our own reckoning. It amounts to of course conflict. It amounts to violence."

    Is Darfur genocide that has happened and must be punished? Or, is it genocide that could happen and must be prevented? I will argue the latter.

    Sudan is today the site of two contradictory processes. The first is the Naivasha peace process between the SPLA and the Government of Sudan, whose promise is an end to Africa's longest festering civil war. The second is the armed confrontation between an insurgency and anti-government militias in Darfur. There is need to think of the south and the west as different aspects of a connected process. I will argue that this reflection should be guided by a central objective: to reinforce the peace process and to demilitarize the conflict in Darfur.

    Understanding Darfur Conflict Politically

    The peace process in the South has split both sides to the conflict. Tensions within the ruling circles in Khartoum and within the opposition SPLA have given rise to two anti-government militias. The Justice and Equality Movement has historical links to the Islamist regime, and the SLA to the southern guerrilla movement.

    The Justice and Equality Movement organized as part of the Hassan Turabi faction of the Islamists. Darfur, historically the mainstay of the Mahdist movement, was Turabi's major claim to political success in the last decade. When the Khartoum coalition - between the army officers led by Bashir and the Islamist political movement under Turabi - split, the Darfur Islamists fell out with both sides. JEM was organized in Khartoum as part of an agenda for regaining power. It has a more localized and multi-ethnic presence in Darfur and has been home to many who have advocated an 'African Islam'.

    The SLA is linked to SPLA, which first tried to expand the southern-based armed movement to Darfur in 1990, but failed. The radical leadership of that thrust was decapitated in a government assault. Not surprisingly, the new leadership of SLA has little political experience.

    The present conflict began when the SLA mounted an ambitious and successful assault on El Fashar airport on April 25, 2003, on a scale larger than most encounters in the southern civil war.

    The government in Khartoum is also divided, between those who pushed the peace process, and those who believe too much was conceded in the Naivasha talks. This opposition, the security cabal in Khartoum, responded by arming and unleashing several militia, known as the Janjawid. The result is a spiral of state-sponsored violence and indiscriminate spread of weaponry.

    In sum, all those opposed to the peace process in the south have moved to fight in Darfur, even if on opposing sides. The Darfur conflict has many layers; the most recent but the most explosive is that it is the continuation of the southern conflict in the west.

    De-demonize Adversaries

    For anyone reading the press today, the atrocities in Sudan are synonymous with a demonic presence, the Janjawid, the spearhead of an 'Arab' assault on 'Africans.' The problem with the public discussion of Darfur and Sudan is not simply that we know little; it is also the representation of what we do know. To understand the problem with how known facts are being represented, I suggest we face three facts.

    First, as a proxy of those in power in Khartoum, the Janjawid are not exceptional. They reflect a broad African trend. Proxy war spread within the continent with the formation of Renamo by the Rhodesian and the South African security cabal in the early 1980s. Other examples in the East African region include the Lord's Redemption Army in northern Uganda, the Hema and Lendu militias in Itori in eastern Congo and, of course, the Hutu militia in post-genocide Rwanda. Like the Janjawid, all these combine different degrees of autonomy on the ground with proxy connections above ground.

    Second, all parties involved in the Darfur conflict - whether they are referred to as 'Arab' or as 'African' - are equally indigenous and equally black. All are Muslims and all are local. To see how the corporate media and some of the charity-dependent international NGOs consistently racialize representations, we need to distinguish between different kinds of identities.

    Let us begin by distinguishing between three different meanings of Arab: ethnic, cultural and political. In the ethnic sense, there are few Arabs worth speaking of in Darfur, and a very tiny percent in Sudan. In the cultural sense, Arab refers to those who have come tospeak Arabic as a home language and, sometimes, to those who are nomadic in lifestyle. In this sense, many have become Arabs. From the cultural point of view, one can be both African and Arab, in other words, an African who speaks Arabic, which is what the 'Arabs' of Darfur are. For those given to thinking of identity in racial terms, it may be better to think of this population as 'Arabized' rather than 'Arab.' Then there is Arab in the political sense. This refers to a political identity called 'Arab' that the ruling group in Khartoum has promoted at different points as the identity of power and of the Sudanese nation. As a political identity, Arab is relatively new to Darfur. Darfur was home to the Mahdist movement whose troops defeated the British and slayed General Gordon a century ago. Darfur then became the base of the party organized around the Sufi order, the Ansar. This party, called the Umma Party, is currently led by the grandson of the Mahdi, Sadiq al-Mahdi. The major change in the political map of Darfur over the past decade was the growth of the Islamist movement, led by Hassan Turabi. Politically, Darfur became 'Islamist' rather than 'Arab.'

    Like Arab, Islam too needs to be understood not just as a cultural (and religious) identity but also as a political one, thus distinguishing the broad category of believers called Muslims from political activists called Islamists. Historically, Islam as a political identity in the Sudan has been associated with political parties based on Sufi orders, mainly the Umma Party based on the Ansar and the DUP based on the Khatamiyya. In sharp contrast to the strongly Sudanese identity of these 'sectarian' and 'traditional' parties is the militant, modernist and internationalist orientation of the type of political Islam championed by Hassan Turabi and organized as the National Islamic Front. Not only in its predominantly urban social base but also in its methods of organization, the NIF was poles apart from 'traditional' political Islam, and in fact consciously emulated the Communist Party. Unlike the 'traditional' parties which were mass-based and hoped to come to power through elections, the NIF - like the CP - was a cadre-based vanguard party which hoped to take power in alliance with a faction in the army. The fulfillment of this agenda was the 1989 coup which brought Turabi's NIF into power in alliance with the Bashir faction in the army.

    As a political identity, 'African' is even more recent than 'Arab' in Darfur. I have referred to an attempt by SPLA in 1990 to confront the power in Khartoum as 'Arab' and to rally the opposition under the banner of 'African.' Both the insurgency that began 18 months ago and the government's response to it are evidence of the crisis of the Islamist regime and the government's retreat to a narrower political identity, 'Arab.'

    Third, both the anti- and the pro-government militia have outside sponsors, but they cannot just be dismissed as external creations. The Sudan government organized local militias in Darfur in 1990, using them both to fight the SPLA in the south and to contain the expansion of the southern rebellion to the west. The militias are not monolithic and they are not centrally controlled. When the Islamists split in 1999 between the Turabi and the Bashir groups, many of the Darfur militia were purged. Those who were not, like the Berti, retained a measure of local support. This is why it is wrong to think of the Janjawid as asingle organization under a unified command.

    Does that mean that we cannot hold the Sudan government responsible for the atrocities committed by Janjawid militias that it continues to supply? No, it does not. We must hold the patron responsible for the actions of the proxy. At the same time, we need to realize that it may be easier to supply than to disband local militias. Those who start and feed fires should be held responsible for doing so; but let us not forget that it may be easier to start a fire than to put it out.

    The fight between the militias on both sides and the violence unleashed against the unarmed population has been waged with exceptional cruelty. One reason may be that the initiative has passed from the communities on the ground to those contending for power. Another may be the low value on life placed by the security cabal in Khartoum and by those in the opposition who want power at any cost.

    What is the solution?

    I suggest a three-pronged process in the Sudan. The priority must be to complete the Naivasha peace process and change the character of the government in Khartoum. Second, whatever the level of civilian support enjoyed by militias, it would be a mistake to tarnish the communitieswith the sins of the particular militia they support. On the contrary, every effort should be made to neutralize or re-organize the militia and stabilize communities in Darfur through local initiatives. This means both a civic conference of all communities - both those identified as Arab and those as African - and reorganized civil defense forces of all communities. This may need to be done under the protective and supervisory umbrella of an African Union policing force. Finally, to build on the Naivasha process by bringing into it all those previously excluded. To do so will require creating the conditions for a reorganized civil administration in Darfur.

    To build confidence among all parties, but particularly among those demonized as 'Arab', we need to use the same standard for all. To make the point, let us first look at the African region. The U.N. estimates that some 30 to 50,000 people have been killed in Darfur and another 1.4 million or so have been made homeless. The figure for the dead in Congo over the last few years is over 4 million. Many have died at the hands of ethnic Hema or Lendu militias. These are Janjawid-type militias known to have functioned as proxies for neighboring states. In the northern Ugandan districts of Acholiland, over 80% of the population has been interned by the government, given substandard rations and nominal security, thus left open to gradual premeditated starvation and periodic kidnapping by another militia, the Lord's Redemption Army (LRA). When the U.N. Secretary General, Kofi Annan, flew to Khartoum recently, I was in Kampala. The comment I heard all around was: Why didn't he stop here? And why not in Kigali? And Kinshasa? Should we not apply the same standards to the governments in Kampala and Kigali and elsewhere as we do to the government in Khartoum, even if Kampala and Kigali are America's allies in its global 'war on terror'?

    Internationally, there is the daunting example of Iraq. Before the American invasion, Iraq went through an era of U.N. sanctions, which were kept in place for a decade by the US and Britain. The effect of the sanctions came to light when UNICEF carried out a child mortality survey in 1999 at the initiative of Canada and Brazil. Richard Garfield, professor of Clinical International Nursing at Columbia University and chair of the Human Rights Committee of the American Public Health Association calculated 'on a conservative estimate' that there had been 300,000 'excess deaths' of children under 5 in Iraq during the sanctions. But the sanctions continued. Today, the US does not even count the number of Iraqi dead, and the U.N. has made no attempt to estimate them. Iraq is not history. It continues to bleed.

    This backdrop, regional and international, should prompt us to ask at least one question: Does the label 'worst humanitarian crisis' tell us more about Darfur or about those labeling and the politics of labeling? Are we to return to a Cold War-type era in which America's allies can commit atrocities with impunity while its adversaries are demagogically held accountable to an international standard of human rights?

    Some argue that international alignment on the Darfur crisis is dictated by the political economy of oil. To the extent this is true, let us not forget that oil influences both those (such as China) who would like continued access to Sudan's oil and those (such as USA) who covet that access. But for those who do strategic thinking, the more important reason may be political. For official America, Darfur is a strategic opportunity to draw Africa into the global 'war on terror' by sharply drawing lines that demarcate 'Arab' against 'African,' just as for the crumbling regime in Khartoum this very fact presents a last opportunity to downplay its own responsibilities and call for assistance from those who oppose official America's 'war on terror.'

    What Should We Do?

    First of all, we the civilians - and I address Africans and Americans in particular - should work against a military solution. We should work against a US intervention, whether direct or by proxy, and however disguised - as humanitarian or whatever. We should work against punitive sanctions. The lesson of Iraq sanctions is that you target individuals, not governments. Sanctions feed into a culture of terror, of collective punishment. Its victims are seldom its target. Both military intervention and sanctions are undesirable and ineffective.

    Second, we should organize in support of a culture of peace, of a rule of law and of a system of political accountability. Of particular importance is to recognize that the international community has created an institution called the International Criminal Court to try individuals for the most heinous crimes, such as genocide, war crimes and systematic rights abuses. The US has not only refused to ratify the treaty setting up the ICC, it has gone to all lengths to sabotage it. For Americans, it is important to get their government to join the ICC. The simple fact is that you can only claim the moral right to hold others accountable to a set of standards if you are willing to be held accountable to the same standards.

    Finally, there is need to beware of groups who want a simple and comprehensive explanation, even if it is misleading; who demand dramatic action, even if it backfires; who have so come to depend on crisis that they risk unwittingly aggravating existing crisis. Often, they use the call for urgent action to silence any debate as a luxury. And yet, responsible action needs to be informed.

    For the African Union, Darfur is both an opportunity and a test. The opportunity is to build on the global concern over a humanitarian disaster in Darfur to set a humanitarian standard that must be observed by all, including America's allies in Africa. And the test is to defend African sovereignty in the face of official America's global 'war on terror.' On both counts, the first priority must be to stop the war and push the peace process.

    Copright: Mahmood Mamdani. Reproduced with the permission of the author.

    * Mahmood Mamdani is Herbert Lehman Professor of Government and Director, Institute of African Studies, at University of Columbia, New York

    * Please send comments to [email protected]

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08-11-2004, 04:17 PM

برير اسماعيل يوسف
<aبرير اسماعيل يوسف
تاريخ التسجيل: 03-06-2004
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    ان اهل دارفور في حاجة لزكاة النفس بدلا من زكاة الفطر!! و نرجو ان تجاوب الدكتورة ندي مصطفي عن سؤالي القائل ماذا قال تيسير محمد احمد عندما سئل في كارديف ببريطانيا عن انتهاكات قيادات التحالف لحقوق الانسان في المعسكرات ؟ فهل في هذا السؤال تهاتر يا عباد الله؟ لان الرجل قد امتطي الان حصان انتهاكات القيادات في التحالف لحقوق الانسان في المعسكرات, علما بان الدكتورة كانت شاهدة عيان لهذه الندوة و لكلام البروف تيسير , كما انها اكدت على حديث الدكتور النافي لاية انتهاكات لحقوق الانسان في التحالف!! فهل كلامي هذا صح ام خطأ يا دكتورة !!
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09-11-2004, 03:35 AM

nada ali
<anada ali
تاريخ التسجيل: 01-10-2003
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    معلومات اضافية حول طرق المساعدة و المساهمة بزكاة الفطر
    اى مساهمات مادية مهما كانت ضئيلة ستكون مفيدة فى مواجهة هذه الكارثة.


    Quote: Darfur crisis: How to help


    About a million of Darfur's residents are now displaced
    Global aid organisations have launched urgent appeals for donations to help people fleeing from fighting between rebel groups and government militias in western Sudan.
    Aid agencies believe over one million people have been forced to flee thier homes.

    Many are camped along the border with Chad, where food and water are in short supply and they are still vulnerable to attacks.

    The area is remote and the rainy season has begun, making transportation difficult.

    The Disasters Emergency Committee - www.dec.org.uk - is an umbrella group of UK aid organisations who are working to provide shelter, clean water and sanitation as well as food to refugees.

    The United Nations World Food Programme - www.wfp.org - is seeking $130 million to feed refugees in the area.

    "The situation in Darfur is becoming more critical every day; the worst is still to come," said WFP Country Director for Sudan, Ramiro Lopes da Silva in a statement.

    Medecins Sans Frontieres - www.msf.org - is working to combat malaria and malnutrition in west Darfur.

    Oxfam - www.oxfam.org.uk - is providing clean water supplies and sanitation to the refugee camps where one Oxfam worker described "80 families living together in one compound without any shelter and only one latrine."

    Islamic Relief - www.islamic-relief.com - has also launched an appeal and food has already been distributed to around 18,000 people.

    The United Nations Childens Fund, Unicef - www.unicef.org - is seeking to vaccinate children against disease in the refugee camps. It has appealed for $46m.

    Save the Children - www.savethechildren.org - has already distributed food to 250,000 people in the area.

    Anti-poverty organisation Care International - www.care.org - is working in Chad to help alleviate conditions for refugees who have crossed the border as well as those in Darfur.

    Cafod, the Catholic Agency for Overseas Development - www.cafod.org.uk/sudanappeal - is working with partners in Southern Darfur to provide clean water, shelter, supplementary feeding in camps for the displaced.

    UK residents can donate via the British Red Cross - www.redcross.org.uk - who have launched an appeal for food and blankets for the region.

    Medair - www.medair.org/en_portal/index.php- is providing treatment kits for malaria, cholera, and dysentery.

    The UN High Commission for Refugees - www.unhcr.ch/donate/redirect.html - is helping to relocate refugees on the border with Chad.

    World Vision - www.worldvision.org.uk - has also launched an appeal and is providing shelter material, water containers, purification tablets, mosquito nets, cooking utensils and blankets as well as distribute food.

    Christian Aid - www.christianaid.org.uk - is working to provide supplementary food rations for under-fives, educational services, shelter material, mosquito nets, blankets, kitchen utensils, and the distribution of seeds and tools to 500,000 people in southern and western Darfur.

    Christian charity Tearfund - www.tearfund.org - is working to provide emergency feeding, health and sanitation services to refugees in six camps in Darfur.

    Concern - http://www.concern.net/ - have launched an aid operation hoping to provide nutrition, sanitation and water supplies to 300,000 people in Western Darfur.

    The International Rescue Committee - http://www.theIRC.org - is providing assistance to tens of thousands of people fleeing ongoing violence in Darfur and has also been launching programs to monitor human rights in the region. You can donate to all the campaigns via their websites.
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10-11-2004, 02:34 AM

nada ali
<anada ali
تاريخ التسجيل: 01-10-2003
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    posted by Mariam El Mahdi on the women in creation list

    Quote: Sudanese Rape Victims Find Justice Blind to Plight

    By Emily Wax
    Washington Post Foreign Service
    Monday, November 8, 2004; Page A01

    OTASH, Sudan -- The breeze ruffled Katuma Abdullah Adam's green scarf as the sheik and his helpers slowly poured water over her head. Once, twice, three times they repeated the ritual as the pregnant 15-year-old wept in shame.

    "You can now enter paradise," the sheik said, ushering Katuma inside a dark hut so her swollen body could also be washed, along with her nose and mouth, as a symbolic cleansing of the sin she had suffered.

    To the family of Katuma, who was raped and impregnated by an Arab militia fighter five months ago in the war-torn region of Darfur, this shamanistic cure was the only form of redemption available in a situation where legal justice is elusive, officials are embarrassed to discuss rape and the chances of catching and prosecuting attackers are next to none.

    While a ritual bath cannot substitute for a court of law, according to Sudanese culture it may help mitigate the negative long-term social effects of rape -- the public ostracism of the victim, her devaluation as a future bride and the lifelong stigma that will fall on any child born of the crime.

    According to the United Nations and human rights groups, thousands of women have been raped by gunmen in the course of a 20-month conflict that pits African rebel groups against Sudanese troops and pro-government Arab militias known as the Janjaweed. The United Nations says more than 70,000 people have died.

    In August and September, the French medical charity Doctors Without Borders reported that it had treated 123 cases of rape in South Darfur, at least 100 of which occurred during attacks on villages by armed men. Victims said they were assaulted at gunpoint and in some cases gang-raped.

    Despite widespread documentation of the rapes by international groups and promises by the government to investigate and prosecute rape cases, sexual violence remains a low official priority. Sudanese society ostracizes rape victims and associates them with deep shame.

    There is also little public trust in the police and the courts, because Janjaweed militiamen accused of the crimes are seen as backed by the government.

    A recent report by Amnesty International, the London-based human rights group, called rape "a weapon of war in Darfur," often accompanied by racial insults, whipping, undressing and public sexual acts as a form of humiliation. To the Arab Janjaweed, attacking African women is seen as a way to mortify African rebel groups, the report said.

    Many women have also reported being told by rapists that they wanted to produce Arab babies and weaken African tribal lines.

    Amnesty International documented hundreds of rape cases and described the horrific long-term social consequences for the women. But U.N. officials and others said international pressure had done little to make local officials address the plight of women who are victims of rape, as well as resulting health problems and pregnancies.

    "The government as a whole is in denial about the scale and the severity of the problems," said Louise Arbour, the U.N. high commissioner for human rights, who visited Darfur in late September. "Cases where attempts are made by women to report to the police are disbelieved, or in any event, no further action is taken on their report."

    On a recent trip to South Darfur, U.S. Reps. Jesse L. Jackson Jr. (D-Ill.) and Jim Kolbe (R-Ariz.) visited camps in the region and were told they would see a "rape tent," where victims could report the crimes. When they arrived at the designated camp, however, there was no such tent. Refugees said there never had been one.

    Jackson shook his head and said: "These guys are professional sugarcoaters. What are we going to do about this?"

    Abdullal Abu Bakar, who works for the government and runs the camp, winked conspiratorially and laughed, partly from embarrassment. "There was not a single case, I tell you," he said. "That's why we closed the tent.' "

    Innocence Lost

    Katuma Adam still sees the men in her nightmares. It was late May, the height of the rainy season, when the Janjaweed gunmen attacked her village in North Darfur. One of them grabbed her. His hand slipped under her dress.

    "He pushed into me and it was hurting me very much," she recounted recently, after the ritual washing in a shelter built of sticks and rags, inside a camp for victims of violence in Darfur. "I had no strength. I just shut my eyes."

    Afterward, she said, she was covered in blood and crying. "I felt very, very thirsty and in shock." She was not yet 15.

    There was nowhere Katuma could turn for help -- no counseling services, no legal aid offices, no sympathetic law enforcement agency. Darfur, a region engulfed by human crisis and flooded with refugees, barely has a functioning police force or justice system.

    For weeks after the attack, Katuma remained sequestered in her hut, her head pillowed on a pile of rocks. She stayed inside even through the thick afternoon heat, too ashamed to emerge and seek shade under a tree like others in the camp. She said her legs felt like stone and her mind was numb with depression. She worried constantly about her child's future, and her own.

    "I will never find love," she said after the cleansing ceremony. "Will this washing help me find a husband?" Katuma and her mother, Aisha Bakhet Adam, consented to be identified by name.

    Aisha Adam, 43, a sturdy widow with six children, has no time for melancholy musings. She is on a mission. Every day, she listens to radio reports about the war. She knows that many people have died and many more have been displaced. And she knows that in four months, her daughter will give birth to a child of the Janjaweed.

    Aisha Adam has few illusions about the chances of proving the rapist's guilt. What she needs is evidence of her daughter's innocence, a way to convince potential suitors and their families that she did not ask to be raped. A police report or a court case would be ideal, she said, but she had no idea how to approach the government.

    After thinking it over, she decided the water ritual might help reduce her daughter's shame and protect her unborn child from becoming a social outcast.

    So on a recent day, the mother crawled out of her waist-high hut, doffed an orange head scarf and oversize sunglasses and trudged purposefully along the footpaths of this garbage-strewn camp until she found Adam Abdul Karim, a local sheik, waiting in a food line. She told him she needed his help.

    "I don't think the government will ever catch this man, and I don't think my daughter will ever mend her heart unless we do something now," she told him. "I am very ashamed, [but] I am trying to hide my embarrassment and help my daughter. Right now, we are alone with this problem."

    Karim consulted a sheaf of ragged notes and suggested he perform the ritual washing. It was a custom normally applied in local African tribes when a woman's husband died or she gave birth to a child out of wedlock. This would be the first time at this camp, Karim said, that it would be used to exonerate a victim of sexual violence.

    "She is unclean, touched by her enemy," he said. "This is one option we can try."

    Officials See No Evil

    The government of Sudan says it takes rape seriously, and its officials say they are making a sincere effort to address the problem. Under sharia, or Islamic law, rape is viewed as a serious crime; the penalty is 10 years in jail and 100 lashes.

    Recently, the government also suspended a law requiring women to report a rape to the police before they can receive medical help. Nevertheless, there remains a widespread belief among senior officials that the victims are fabricating their stories.

    That is not our culture," said Hussein Ibrahim, a minister with the government's Humanitarian Affairs Commission. "It's just impossible and all half-truths. Okay, maybe there are one case or two cases, like anywhere, like in the United States or Britain. But they are not widespread."

    But medical workers and human rights activists said they have been dismayed and angered by official suggestions that rape victims are making up sensational stories. Even as children are being born from militia rapes, they said, not a single arrest has been made or a single case brought to court since the war began.

    "I don't think it's fair to say the women are fabricating this," Arbour said during a recent visit to Khartoum, the capital. "I would find it very, very bizarre that the women would lie, considering the shame they receive for saying they are raped. There are very severe levels of sexual violence here that are not being properly addressed."

    Arbour said she saw no evidence of a government rape-inquiry commission that had been promised, and that despite making appointments, she was unable to locate anyone from the commission.

    Inside Katuma's hut, the sheik's female helpers washed her back, her face, her nostrils, her mouth. They emptied pitchers down her left side, then her right. Water dripped from her entire body and tears ran down her cheeks. She stood in a muddy pool of water.

    "I don't want this," the pregnant girl mumbled. "I want to lie down." Already shy, she dreaded being stared at, having people know. She did not want her picture taken, did not want to go outdoors, and said she might just remain in the camp forever.

    Outside, a cluster of ragged children peered through holes in the straw walls, dying of curiosity. They pressed in so hard they nearly knocked over her hut.

    In the gloom, Karim supervised the work and nodded in satisfaction. But still, he said, Katuma's life would be hard.

    "The man will want a virgin wife without a baby first," he explained. "Maybe, years from now, people will understand she was hurt in war by the enemy and is now clean. But it would be better if the courts and the government could . . . set an example that it was okay and it wasn't the fault of the women. Even a few arrests would help."
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11-11-2004, 03:28 AM

nada ali
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تاريخ التسجيل: 01-10-2003
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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    ارجو ان نتذكر جميعا اهلنا فى دارفور عند اخراج زكاة الفطر.
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12-11-2004, 03:45 AM

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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    *****
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16-11-2004, 03:46 AM

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16-11-2004, 03:47 AM

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Re: "زكاة الفطر" لدعم العمل الانسانى فى دارفور و معسكرات اللاجئين (Re: nada ali)

    http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/panorama/4007029.stm


    Quote: 'They raped me, one after the other'

    Hundreds of women gathered to tell their stories
    Panorama travelled across the Darfur region and heard stories of atrocities being committed by Arab militia soldiers against black Africans.
    One of the worst cases came when the team reached the mountains of Jebil Mara, where some areas here have been cut off from the outside world for years.

    It is in places like this that the killings have yet to be documented.

    When the Panorama team arrived at one village - hundreds of women had gathered. Everyone wanted to talk about the ordeals they had been through.

    Dozens of women from the African Fur tribe told of seeing their children being killed in attacks by the Janjaweed.

    Darfur

    He (Janjaweed attacker) grabbed my son from me and threw him into a fire

    Kalima

    One said: "(I've lost) two girls and one boy, in the school." Another added: "(I lost) a boy, in the house."

    Everywhere that Panorama went, there was a similar story.

    In the village of Kidinyir, the women went into more detail about the abuses that they allege were carried out by the Arab tribesmen known as Janjaweed.

    One woman called Hawa told the programme: "Five of them surrounded me I couldn't move I was paralysed. They raped me, one after the other."

    Another woman, called Kalima, spoke of the brutality used in the attacks.

    She said: "My son was clinging to my dress. An Arab looking man, in a uniform with military insignia, stopped his car next to me. He grabbed my son from me and threw him into a fire."

    A third villager Hikma, claimed the Janjaweed hurled racist insults as they carried out their attacks.

    She said: "They were saying 'the blacks are slaves, the blacks are stupid catch them alive, catch them alive, take them away with you, tie them up'.

    Foreign aid


    The conflict has created hundreds of thousands of refugees

    "They were terrorising our civilians. They would say 'kill them'".

    When Panorama travelled to the crowded refugee camps the story was also one of extreme suffering.

    At Mornei in Chad, a woman called Juma told the BBC that she had walked for miles with her 10-month-old daughter Nadia to reach the camp.

    She said: "The Arabs attacked our village in the early morning. They opened fire. Women and children escaped here. They burnt the village. Everything was burnt. They killed young children. My brother was shot whilst he was trying to escape."

    Both Juma and Nadia were painfully thin when they were interviewed in June, their food rations had run out 20 days previously.

    The situation was made worse in the camps because Sudan's government had blocked much foreign aid with bureaucracy.

    And when cameramen returned to the camp in July - Nadia had died.

    Darfur

    They started beating us. We tried to resist and defend ourselves but we failed because they threatened us with knives

    Khatra

    In another camp in Kebkabiya, the refugees who had fled there still felt in serious danger.

    One woman called Khatra told the programme the camp was like "a prison" as the women were frightened to step over the boundaries and into Janjaweed controlled territory.

    However, she felt she had no choice but to leave the camp to collect much needed firewood.

    Khatra said her worst fears were realised just four days before the Panorama team arrived in the camp, when she was attacked and raped by the Janjaweed.

    She told the programme: "We went to get the firewood at eight o'clock in the morning. Suddenly we were confronted by the attackers.

    "They started asking us: 'Where are you going, fur women?', and calling us donkeys. 'Where are the rebels?'

    "They started beating us. We tried to resist and defend ourselves but we failed because they threatened us with knives. Four of them raped me."
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16-11-2004, 04:03 AM

nada ali
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