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الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" فى السودان
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من منظمة FORWARD ------------------------------------------------------ FOUNDATION FOR WOMEN’S HEALTH, RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT Promoting Change, Well-being and Human Dignity
Dear Friends and Supporters of FORWARD's campaign to End Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), In response to FORWARD's call for increased mobilisation to end FGM in Sudan following the death of a little Sudanese girl in December due to FGM, a group of Sudanese activists have set up an online petition. Please take just a few minutes to sign the online petition to the Sudanese Government demanding legislation banning all forms of FGM in Sudan: http://www.petitiononline.com/dec62005
Please also circulate this email to your networks. May we take this opportunity to wish you a Happy New Year and we hope that 2006 will be a successful year for the realisation of girls and women's rights worldwide! FORWARD team. [email protected]
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Re: الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" (Re: nada ali)
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Quote: To: Sudan Minister of Justice and Attorney General Mr. Mohammed Ali Almardi, Minister of Justice and Attorney General, Ministry of Justice, PO BOX 744, Khartoum, Sudan. 19th December 2005.
Dear Minister of Justice and Attorney General Mr. Mohammed Ali Almardi,
Re: Bringing an End to Female Genital Mutilation: Let Us Ensure that a Little Sudanese Girl did not Die In Vain.
We write to appeal to you, in your position as Minister of Justice and Attorney General to take immediate action to eliminate the practice of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) in Sudan, in all it’s forms.
As you may be aware, recently on December 6th, another innocent little girl lost her life to the brutality of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM). A doctor at Khartoum Bahari Hospital to which the victim, four year old Enaam Abdelwahab from Abu- Deleeg was submitted, reported that she died due to excessive bleeding and blood poisoning after being submitted to this cruel tradition.
The sad and unfortunate incident was widely reported in the Sudanese press yet sadly such needless deaths are by no means uncommon occurrences. Whilst Sudan has had a law since 1946 now banning the most severe form of FGM the law is clearly insufficient as it does not ban all forms of FGM, and as it has failed to prevent the tragic death of this little girl. It has also failed to protect Sudanese girls and women at large, for an estimated 89 per cent of Sudanese women are subjected to FGM, and mostly to the most severe form, type 3 which is known as ‘Pharonic Circumcision’.
As a result of little Enaam’s death on December 14th a group of Sudanese civil society organisations led by the Sudanese Nurses Union took to the streets in Khartoum to protest against Enaam’s death. They marched from the hospital in which she died, to the Ministry of Justice, to demand a law specifically banning all forms of FGM in Sudan. This clearly shows that there is public support in Sudan for the elimination of all forms of FGM and we write to you to demand a law is passed and enforced to prohibit all forms of FGM in Sudan as a matter of urgency.
We remind you of the responsibilities the Government of Sudan has to protect the human rights of girls and women, outlined in numerous International Declarations and Conventions, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (194 and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). In relation to the latter, the Government of Sudan, having ratified the convention has committed itself to: “ensure the child protection and care as is necessary for his or her well-being”.
We urge you to live up to these international obligations, as well as to ensure that adequate care and support is provided to girls and women who have undergone FGM.
Another clear indication of International support for the elimination of FGM is the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa which entered into force on November 25th of this year. The Protocol calls for the elimination of all forms of gender based violence and explicitly prohibits FGM. We are aware that the Sudanese government has so far failed to become party to this Protocol and we urge you to take this important step towards the elimination of gender discrimination.
We trust that you will do everything in your power to bring an end to the death and suffering of girls and women in Sudan due to FGM and thank you in advance for your actions.
Sincerely,
The Undersigned |
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Re: الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" (Re: Tragie Mustafa)
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الاعزاء الكرام
عمل قانون دون توعية سيجعل هذه العادة الخطرة تمارس في"الاندر قراوند"
واذا صدر قانون دون توعية نكون عرضنا الطفلات للخطر اكثر... حيث لن يتم اسعافهن الى المستشفيات في حالات النزف خشية التعرض للمساءلة القانونية كم ان نسبة الموت بالتتنوس ستكون اعلى.. قبل جمع الامضاءات لعمل قانون يجب ان تكون هناك حملات توعية دائمة وليست موسمية,,ممنظر حتى تموت طفلة اخرى ثم تنشط التوقيعات ثم تختفي وهكذا
حتى تصل خطورة هذا الامر لكل ام في السودان.ز بطباعة النشرات والتوعية في مسشتفيات الولادة في القرى و الحضر في كل مكان بعد ذلك فاليكن هناك قانون. لان العادات لا تقتل بالقوانين بل بالتوعية..
وانا لن اوقع خشية ان يصدر قانون فوقيا وتموت عشرات البنات ويحرمن من الرعاية الطيبة في حالة الخطورة. حيث ستتحول المسألة الى مسالة حياة او موت...فحياة الطفلات اهم من كونهن مخفوضات ام لا..
لا للقوانين الفوقية المفروضة دون توعية..
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Re: الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" (Re: nada ali)
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الاخت نجاة، سلامات
اتفق معك حول اهمية التوعية و استخدام وسائل اخرى للتغيير بجانب و ليس بدلا عن سنّ القوانين التى تمنع الانتهاك البدنى للاناث، خاصة انه (((المفروض)))) ان الدولة مسئولة عن حماية ابنائها و بناتها.
هناك العديدمن الجهات التى لعبت دورا كبيرا فى التوعية بمخاطر هذه العادة فى السودان، منها جمعية محاربة العادات الضارة، و جمعية بابكر بدرى، و فى السنوات الماضية منظمة رينبو ثم فوروارد، و شبكة القضاء على الختان، و قوافل كليات الطب و غيرها من الكليات التى اقامت المعارض و الندوات و غيرها للقضاء على هذه الممارسة، و اذكر ايضا دور الاعلام خلال الفترة الديمقراطية السابقة. مثلما ان القانون وحده لا يكفى، فان اى مجهودات للتغيير و التوعية لن تأتى بفائدة مالم يكن هناك رادع قانونى يدعم هذه الانشطة.
و لا اعتقد ان النشاط للقضاء على هذه الممارسة نشاط موسمى، فهذا موضوع للعمل اليومى عند كثير من الافراد و الجهات. فمثلا، المنظمة التى بادرت بهذه الحملة، FORWARD تعمل (ضمن قضايا اخرى) فى مجال محاربة الانتهاك البدنى للاناث فى مختلف انحاء افريقيا و فى المهجر منذ 1983، حين قامت بانشائها Efua Dorkenoo!
وفاة الطفلة انعام، المؤسفة، تدحض مقولة
Quote: حيث ستتحول المسألة الى مسالة حياة او موت...فحياة الطفلات اهم من كونهن مخفوضات ام لا.. |
فالمسألة الان ايضا مسألة حياة او موت، لا يهم ان كانت طفلة واحدة او عدد اكبر!
و هذا الحادث المؤسف، خلق زخم، لابد من البناء عليه و تصعيد هذه الحملة من اجل التغيير، ليس فقط فى مجال القانون، و لكن فى المجالات الاخرى ايضا.
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Re: الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" (Re: nada ali)
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Quote: هناك العديدمن الجهات التى لعبت دورا كبيرا فى التوعية بمخاطر هذه العادة فى السودان، منها جمعية محاربة العادات الضارة، و جمعية بابكر بدرى، و فى السنوات الماضية منظمة رينبو ثم فوروارد، و شبكة القضاء على الختان، و قوافل كليات الطب و غيرها من الكليات التى اقامت المعارض و الندوات و غيرها للقضاء على هذه الممارسة، و اذكر ايضا دور الاعلام خلال الفترة الديمقراطية السابقة. مثلما ان القانون وحده لا يكفى، فان اى مجهودات للتغيير و التوعية لن تأتى بفائدة مالم يكن هناك رادع قانونى يدعم هذه الانشطة. |
لم اسمع ابدا باي هذه الجمعيات قد قامت بتوعية مكثفة مستدامة.. هل "لرينبو" اي مكاتب في الخرطوم؟
من قبل اقترحنا ان تكون الملصقات منتشرة في كل مستشفيات الولادة
كل هذه المنظمات تعمل في حيشان الجامعات في الاسابيع الثقافية ولذلك اثرها محدود..
رينبو و فورورد هذه منظمات خارج السودان لا نرى لها اثر في الداخل...
اكرر فرض قانون سيؤدي لموت المئات عندما تكون عملية الخفاض في "الاندرقراوند"
ما كتبته أنت ليست رد على ما كتبته أنا.. ما هو السيناريو اذا فرض قانون واصبح الخفاض محرما بالقانون؟ سيمارس في "الاندر قراوند".. حديثك عن انه لا فرق بين طفلة واحدة اوعدد كبير حديث غريب وعجيب.. ارجعي للكيس التى جعلت السوبريم كورت تجعل الاجهاض قانوني في امريكا.. كانت واحدة من الحيثيات حتى لا يكون في الاندرقرواند. ويعرض عدد اكبر للنساء للخطر.. القوانين لا تفرض لاجل شخص واحد بل للمجتمع كله.. وانا ارى ان كل من يوقع في هذا البيان يدق مسمار في نعش طفلة ذهبت بها امها الى داية غير قانونية فماتت بالنزف او التيتونس. التوعية الشاملة المستدامة وبعدها سنوا القوانين كما تشاؤون..
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Re: الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" (Re: nada ali)
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الاخ العزيز خضر كيف هى الخرطوم الان؟ فى انتظار قراءة انطباعاتك
شكرا للدعم
الاخ العزيز الملاعمر، شكرا للتوقيع، سيكون مفيدا ان ارسلت الرابط لقائمة مراسلاتك، و كما كتبت
Quote: أننا في مجتمع بحاجة ماسة لخلق مناخ ثقافي اجتماعي مناهض لهذه العادة القديمة المنتهكة لحقوق المرأة في جسد سليم وحياة كريمة. |
و نحتاج ايضا لتفكيك الثقافة السائدة و اعادة تركيبها بما يضمن النظر للمرأة و تعريفها كانسان!
الاخ العزيز مرتضى جعفر كل الشكر للمرور و الدعم و لك التحية الاخت العزيزة نادية عثمان شكرا للمرور و التوقيع
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Re: الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" (Re: nada ali)
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http://www.agi-usa.org/pubs/journals/2707101.html
International Family Planning Perspectives Volume 27, Number 2, June 2001 Female Circumcision in Sudan: Future Prospects and Strategies for Eradication By M. Mazharul Islam and M. Mosleh Uddin Context: Female circumcision—also known as female genital mutilation—is widely practiced in some parts of Sudan. Information about attitudes toward the practice, the reasons why women support it and the social and demographic predictors associated with support for it are needed for development of eradication strategies.
Methods: In a survey on reproductive health, approximately 1,000 ever-married women were randomly selected in each of three areas—Haj-Yousif and Shendi in the north, where female circumcision is widely practiced, and Juba in the south, where it is relatively rare. Interviewers collected data on the prevalence of the three types of circumcision, their social and demographic correlates, women's attitudes toward the practice and their perception of their husbands' attitudes.
Results: Some 87% of respondents in Haj-Yousif, almost 100% of those in Shendi and 7% of those in Juba have been circumcised. Pharaonic circumcision—the most severe type—was reported by 96% of circumcised women in Shendi and 69% of those in Haj-Yousif, but only 31% of those in Juba. However, a small but significant shift from Pharaonic to Sunna circumcision appears to have occurred in Shendi and Haj-Yousif in recent years. Overall, 67% of respondents in Haj-Yousif, 56% of those in Shendi and 4% of those in Juba support continuation of the practice; more highly educated and economically better off women are less likely to be supportive in the two high-prevalence areas. Social custom is the most commonly cited reason for favoring continuation of female circumcision in Haj-Yousif and Shendi (69-75%), while better marriage prospects are the most frequently given reason in Juba. Based on the women's perceptions, men are more likely than women to favor discontinuation.
Conclusions: Female circumcision seems to be declining slightly in some areas of Sudan. A culturally accepted policy and political commitment to eradicate the practice are needed. Education and economic empowerment of women would help lower support for the practice. A mass media campaign publicizing the risks of female circumcision and the fact that female circumcision is not obligatory for Islamic women would also be helpful.
International Family Planning Perspectives, 2001, 27(2):71-76
Female circumcision—also commonly known as female genital mutilation or female genital cutting—is highly prevalent in Sudan. Findings from the 1989-1990 Sudan Demographic and Health Survey (SDHS) indicate that 89% of ever-married women have undergone some form of genital cutting, varying from 65% in Darfur Region to almost 99% in the Northern Region.1 Strong social pressure maintains high levels of circumcision, which is believed to promote premarital chastity among women.2 In most areas in Sudan, uncircumcised women are generally viewed as impure and thus unmarriageable.3 Given their lack of choice and the powerful influence of tradition, most women accept circumcision as a necessary, and even natural, part of life, and adopt the rationales given for its existence.4
Types of female circumcision vary from culture to culture and from region to region. The World Health Organization has defined three main categories.5 Type 1, which is often referred to as clitoridectomy, entails removal of the tip of the prepuce, with or without excision of part or all of the clitoris. In Type 2, the clitoris is removed along with part or all of the labia minora. Type 3, infibulation, the most severe form of female circumcision, involves removal of most or all of the external genitalia. The vaginal opening is then stitched closed; only a small opening is left for the flow of urine and menstrual blood. Women's infibulation scars may have to be cut open at childbirth or if problems in sexual intercourse are encountered.
In Sudan, Type 1 is known as Sunna, and generally entails only removal of the tip of the prepuce. The intermediate Type 2 is referred to as Matwasat, and Type 3 is known as Pharaonic.6
Female circumcision is not associated with any one religious group. It is practiced by Muslims, Christians, Jews and members of indigenous African religions.7 Some Sudanese believe that Islam supports female circumcision, although Muslim theologians state that there is no explicit support for the practice in the Koran.8
Female circumcision is often performed by lay practitioners with little or no formal knowledge of human anatomy or medicine. In most cases, the operation takes place under unhygienic conditions and without anesthesia or sterile instruments.9 Circumcision can have many immediate and long-term consequences. These consequences vary considerably by the type and severity of cutting, with the most serious complications associated with infibulation. The immediate consequences include difficulty in passing urine, urine retention, hemorrhage, infection, fever, stress and shock and damage to the genital organs.10
Over time, circumcised women may also develop menstrual complications, vulvar abscesses, obstetric complications, urinary tract infections, chronic pelvic infection and low fertility or sterility.11 In addition, female circumcision, especially infibulation, may make intercourse per- functory or even painful.12 Despite these grave risks, its practitioners look on it as an integral part of their cultural and ethnic identity. In societies in which few women remain uncircumcised, problems arising from female circumcision are likely to be seen as a normal part of a woman's life and may not even be associated with circumcision.13
METHODOLOGY The data for this study come from a baseline survey on reproductive health conducted in three project areas in Sudan by the Central Bureau of Statistics of Sudan with the financial and technical assistance of the United Nations Population Fund. The three project areas are: Haj-Yousif, a semi-urban area in Khartoum state; Juba, the capital of Bahr El Jebel state; and Shendi, a province of Nahr El Nile state that includes both rural and urban areas. In Haj- Yousif and Shendi, more than 90% of the population is Muslim, while in Juba, more than 90% of the people are Christian.
The baseline survey was limited to ever-married women aged 15-49. A random sample of 1,000 women from each project area were targeted for interview. Ultimately, 1,114 ever-married women from Haj-Yousif, 993 from Juba and 1,019 from Shendi were successfully interviewed.
The sample respondents were selected from each area following a two-stage stratified cluster sampling design. The details of the survey may be seen in the baseline survey report.14 Each project area consists of several councils (districts), which were treated as strata. At the first stage, a random sample of clusters (villages in rural areas and quarter-councils in urban areas) was selected with standard probability proportional to size. At the second stage, households were listed and then selected systematically from each selected cluster.
In Shendi province, which consists of four rural councils and one urban council, 20 clusters of villages or quarter-councils were selected; 50 households were then chosen from each selected cluster. Similarly, a random sample of 20 clusters (quarter-councils) was selected from Juba City's three councils, and 50 households were selected systematically from each selected cluster. Five of Haj-Yousif's nine administrative quarter-councils were randomly selected; 200 households were then selected from each quarter-council.
Fieldwork for the baseline surveys was carried out by several trained interviewing teams, each consisting of one male supervisor and several female interviewers. Data were collected in Haj-Yousif and Juba City in September and October 1998, and in Shendi in March 1999.
The survey included a series of questions on female circumcision. Women were asked whether they had been circumcised, and if so, which type they had undergone and who had performed the procedure. Women were also asked whether they thought the practice should continue and, if yes, which type they preferred and why. Those who opposed continuation of the practice were asked why they opposed it, why they thought the practice persists and what they thought were the best ways to eradicate it. The interviewers also collected data on women's perceptions about their husband's attitude toward female circumcision. However, they did not ask the respondents about their age at circumcision or the consequences for their health.
The study was based on respondents' self-reporting. The investigators assumed that respondents knew the definition of different types of circumcision, so they made no attempt to verify the types reported. Thus, certain types of circumcision may have been underreported or overreported. One study in Sudan found some discrepancies between the type of circumcision women had undergone and the type they reported.15 In the baseline survey described here, however, the interviewers attempted to avoid this problem by asking the respondents to describe the extent of excision and infibulation.
FINDINGS Prevalence of Female Circumcision Table 1 presents the prevalence of female circumcision among ever-married women of reproductive age by selected background characteristics. The practice is almost universal in Shendi and affects almost nine in 10 women in Haj-Yousif. In Juba, however, only 7% have been circumcised.
Similar patterns of variation with age are evident in the three regions: Women younger than 25 are slightly less likely than older women to have been circumcised, but none of the differences are statistically significant. In Juba and Haj-Yousif, educated women are significantly more likely than uneducated women to be circumcised, while the prevalence of circumcision varies little by educational level in Shendi. These differentials should not be attributed to education, however, as most girls are circumcised between the ages of four and nine.
The household possessions score,* a proxy measure of economic status, also shows a positive relationship with the prevalence of circumcision; again, the differences are significant for Haj-Yousif and Juba, but not for Shendi. Overall, the prevalence of circumcision is lower among Christian women than among Muslim women, and the differences are statistically significant in all the regions under study.
When all variables are entered into a logistic regression analysis, none have significant effects on the prevalence of circumcision in Shendi (not shown). In Haj-Yousif, however, the odds of being circumcised rise significantly with each year of education and with each increase in the household possessions score. In Juba, significant increases in circumcision also occur as the household possessions score rises. In both areas, Muslim women are significantly more likely than Christian women to be circumcised.
Type of Circumcision Pharaonic circumcision is the most prevalent type in Shendi (96%) and Haj-Yousif (69%), followed by Sunna circumcision (3% and 28%, respectively). Women in Juba, however, were most likely to report Sunna circumcision (53%), with 31% reporting the Pharaonic type (Table 1).
The data in Table 1 suggest that a slight shift from the Pharaonic type to the Sunna type of circumcision may be occurring in Sudan. For example, among women aged 30 or older in Haj-Yousif, 73% reported the Pharaonic type and 24% the Sunna type, compared with 64% and 35%, respectively, of those aged 15-24. Similar patterns appear in Shendi and Juba, but the differences are statistically significant only in Haj-Yousif.
Level of education is negatively associated with the prevalence of Sunna circumcision in Haj-Yousif. However, education does not show any consistent relationship with type of circumcision in Shendi or Juba. Household possessions scores are associated with type of circumcision in Haj-Yousif and Shendi, but not in Juba.
Attitudes Toward Circumcision In response to the question "Do you think female circumcision should continue?" 67% of the ever-married women in Haj-Yousif and 56% of those in Shendi supported continuation of the practice, compared with only 4% of respondents in Juba (Table 2).
When women's attitudes toward circumcision are examined by selected background characteristics, support for continuation rises with age in Haj-Yousif and decreases with rising age in Shendi. However, no consistent relationship between age and support for circumcision is evident in Juba.
Support for continuation of the practice decreases as level of education and household possessions score rise in Haj-Yousif and Shendi. For example, 34% of women in Shendi with a secondary or higher education favor the continuation of female circumcision, compared with 56% of those with a primary or junior level of education and 70% of those with no education. In Juba, however, the proportion of women supporting circumcision increases with education and household possessions score.
Muslim women are more likely to support circumcision than are non-Muslim women. For example, 73% of Muslim women in Haj-Yousif favor continuing the practice, compared with 8% of Christian women. The same pattern appears in Shendi (57% vs. 18%) and Juba (31% vs. 1%).
Multivariate logistic regression analysis identified women's education, religion and household possessions score as significant predictors of attitudes toward female circumcision in both Haj-Yousif and Shendi (Table 3). For instance, each year of education decreases the odds that women would favor continuation of female circumcision in both areas. In addition, Muslim women are significantly more likely to support circumcision than are Christian women in Haj-Yousif and Shendi, and support decreased with rising household possessions scores in both areas. (A multivariate analysis was not carried out for Juba because of the small number of circumcised women.)
Attitudes About Daughter's Circumcision In addition to looking at women's attitudes toward circumcision in general, we examine respondents' plans to circumcise their own daughters. Overall, 71% of ever-married women in Haj-Yousif who have uncircumcised daughters plan to circumcise them. The corresponding figures for Shendi and Juba are 64% and 2%, respectively (Table 4).
Except among uncircumcised respondents, women are more likely to plan to circumcise their daughters than to support circumcision in general. For example, among respondents in Haj-Yousif who had undergone Pharaonic circumcision, 85% plan to circumcise their own daughters, while 73% say they favor the continuation of female circumcision. The corresponding figures for Shendi are 65% and 57%. However, the opposite scenario prevails in Juba (29% and 45%). About 11% of uncircumcised women in Haj-Yousif intend to circumcise their daughters. Of the four uncircumcised respondents in Shendi, none plan to circumcise their daughters.
Among women in Haj-Yousif who have uncircumcised daughters old enough to undergo the ritual, 16% plan to have their daughters circumcised, while 18% approve of female circumcision in general. The corresponding figures in Shendi are 11% and 11%, compared with 1% and 2%, respectively, in Juba.
Type of Circumcision Preferred Among women in Haj-Yousif and Shendi who approve of the practice of female circumcision, the majority prefer Sunna circumcision. (Only women in these areas are included, because the number of circumcised women in Juba is too small.) As Table 5 shows, 69% of the women in Haj-Yousif who favor circumcision prefer the Sunna type, 24% Pharaonic and only 8% Matwasat. A similar pattern is evident in Shendi (54%, 35% and 11%, respectively).
Education and household possessions score are significant predictors of the type of circumcision preferred. In Shendi, for example, a rising household possessions score and increasing levels of education are associated with a decreasing preference for Pharaonic circumcision and an increasing preference for Sunna circumcision. In Haj-Yousif, education has a similar effect, while increases in the household possessions score are associated with a shift in preferences from Sunna to Matwasat and Pharaonic circumcision.
Reasons for Attitudes In Haj-Yousif and Shendi, the overwhelming majority of women who support circumcision state that they want the practice to be continued because it is a custom of the society (69% and 75%, respectively). The second most common reason given in both areas is cleanliness (26% each). In addition, 10-20% of women say female circumcision is a religious demand or that it is a good tradition (Table 6). In Juba, among the few women favoring the practice (N=35), the majority cite better marriage prospects and cleanliness as their reasons for supporting circumcision.
Among women in Haj-Yousif and Shendi who think the practice of female circumcision should not be continued, the majority (63% and 88%, respectively) cite medical complications. Substantial proportions also mention religious prohibition (28% and 32%) and a painful personal experience (29% and 28%). Religious prohibition is the major reason given in Juba (65%), with 31% citing medical complications and 23% saying the practice is against women's dignity.
Husband's Attitude Some 43% of the wives in Haj-Yousif, 46% of those in Shendi and 35% of those in Juba either do not know their husband's opinion about female circumcision or say that he has no opinion (not shown). Overall, 31% of husbands in Haj-Yousif, 23% of those in Shendi and 3% of those in Juba are perceived to favor continuation of the practice, while 26%, 30% and 62%, respectively, are thought to oppose it. Comparison of these data with those in Table 6 suggest that men are less likely than their wives to support continuation of female circumcision.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS The prevalence of female circumcision is very high in the northern regions of Sudan, with the Pharaonic type—the most severe—the most common. Although the rate of circumcision is higher among women with at least some years of schooling than among women having no education, multivariate analysis indicates that higher levels of education are significantly associated with the practice only in Haj-Yousif. Women living in wealthier households, however, are more likely to be circumcised.
A shift from the most severe to the least severe type of circumcision may be occurring. An examination of age-specific patterns indicates that women younger than 30 are less likely than older women to have undergone Pharaonic circumcision and more likely to have undergone Sunna circumcision.
In the two northern states, the majority of ever-married women support the continuation of female circumcision. In Juba, on the other hand, the majority are against the practice. A variety of justifications are given by women who favor continuation of the practice, including preservation of virginity, cleanliness, religious requirements and greater pleasure of husbands, but social custom and tradition are the most prominent reasons given. Young and educated women are less likely to support continuation. One-fourth to one-third of women believe their husband is against continuation in the northern states, compared with more than six in 10 in Juba. If the women's perceptions are correct, men are more likely than women to favor discontinuation of female circumcision.
Our data indicate no decline in the practice of female circumcision in the northern states, where the majority of the country's people live. As female circumcision is a deeply rooted tradition in Sudan, it cannot be eradicated unless the deeply felt beliefs of those who practice it are well understood and a culturally acceptable policy is adopted. A purely legal approach will bring little or no success. As Nahid Toubia has stated, "Clear policy declarations by government and professional bodies are essential to send a strong message of disapproval, but if the majority of the society is still convinced that female genital mutilation serves the common good, legal sanctions that incriminate practitioners and families may be counterproductive."16 In such countries, she suggests, public information campaigns and counseling of families about the effects of the practice on children may be more useful.
A look at history may be instructive. In 1946, during the era of British colonial rule in Sudan, the news that a law banning infibulation was about to be proclaimed sent many parents rushing to midwives to have their daughters infibulated in case it should become impossible later on. When some midwives were arrested for performing circumcision, anticolonial protests broke out. The British colonial government, fearing a massive nationalist revolt such as those that had occurred in Egypt and Kenya, eventually let the law go unenforced. More recently, calls to action by Western feminists and human rights activists have provoked similar negative reactions.17 Even today, the government of Sudan is not taking a strong stand against female circumcision, probably because of a fear of antagonizing the population. In most cases, activities aimed at eliminating the practice are conducted through nongovernmental organizations.
Since the prevailing socioeconomic dependence of women on men in most of the African society, including Sudan, limits their ability to oppose female circumcision,18 substantial change in women's attitudes is likely to occur only through improvement of women's status in society. Our data show that women's support of the practice declines as their education and economic status rise.
There is a pressing need to disseminate information, generate internal discussion and present the basic health and religious facts in an accessible manner. The reasons women give for favoring discontinuation of female circumcision—such as medical complications and painful personal experiences—and the fact that female circumcision is not obligatory under Islamic law can be used in mass media campaigns and educational curricula. The greater health risks associated with the Pharaonic type of circumcision should be publicized through the media.
In addition, it is important to educate fathers, mothers, grandparents and the boys who will be the future partners of circumcised girls. Above all, there should be a concerted effort by the government, religious leaders, community leaders, nongovernmental organizations and international agencies against the practice in Sudan.
REFERENCES 1. Department of Statistics, Sudan Demographic and Health Survey 1989/1990, Khartoum, Sudan: Department of Statistics; and Columbia, MD, USA: Institute of Resource Development/Macro International, 1991.
2. Badri AE and Dolib TE, Baseline Survey on Harmful Traditional Practices in Umbadda Area: The Case of Female Genital Mutilation, unpublished report to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), Khartoum, Sudan: Ahfad University for Women, 1996.
3. Dareer AE, Woman, Why Do You Weep? Circumcision and Its Consequences, London: Zed Press, 1982; and Kheir HM, Kumar S and Cross AR, Female circumcision: attitudes and practices in Sudan, in: Proceedings of the Demographic and Health Surveys World Conference, Washington, DC, Aug. 5-7, 1991, Columbia, MD, USA: IRD/Macro International, 1991, pp. 1697-1717.
4. Dareer AE, 1982, op. cit. (see reference 3); and Toubia N, Female Genital Mutilation: A Call for Global Action, New York: Edna McConnell Clark Foundation, 1993.
5.World Health Organization (WHO), Female Genital Mutilation, report of a WHO Technical Working Group, Geneva: WHO, 1996.
6. Dareer AE, 1982, op. cit. (see reference 3); Kheir HM, Kumar S and Cross AR, 1991, op. cit. (see reference 3); and Islam M et al., Baseline Survey on Reproductive Health and Family Planning, Khartoum, Sudan: Central Bureau of Statistics; and New York: UNFPA, 1999.
7. Chelala C, A critical move against female genital mutilation, Populi, 1998, 25(1):13-15.
8. Rushwan H, Female genital mutilation, working paper for UNFPA Technical Consultation on Female Genital Mutilation, Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, 1996; and Toubia N, 1993, op. cit. (see reference 4).
9. Dareer AE, 1982, op. cit. (see reference 3).
10. Ibid.
11. Shandall AA, Circumcision and infibulation of females, Sudan Medical Journal, 1967, 5(1):178-212.
12. Balk D, Marriage and fertility in northeast Africa: what role does female circumcision play? unpublished manuscript, 1997.
13. Althaus FA, Female circumcision: rite of passage or violation of rights, International Family Planning Perspectives, 1997, 23(3):130-133.
14. Islam M et al., 1999, op. cit. (see reference 6).
15. Modawi O, Traditional practices in childbirth in Sudan, in: Baasher T, Bannerman RH and Sharaf I, eds., Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children, Technical Publication No. 2, Vol. 2, Alexandria, Egypt: WHO/Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office, 1982, pp. 75-78.
16. Toubia N, 1993, op. cit. (see reference 4).
17. Althaus FA, 1997, op. cit. (see reference 13).
18. Abusharaf RM, Rethinking feminist discourses on female genital mutilation: the case of the Sudan, Canadian Woman Studies, 1995, 15(4):52-54.
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Re: الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" (Re: nada ali)
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http://www.wluml.org/english/pubsfulltxt.shtml?cmd[87]=...628f41f31a2c36baa1be
Efforts to combat female circumcision in Sudan
In Sudan the interest in the practice of female circumcision and concern about its adverse effects were not new. As early as the three decades preceding the Second World War, Sudanese and British Administrators, religious leaders, politicians and other enlightened Sudanese had all been concerned with finding ways and means to abolish the practice. Medical practitioners expended much effort to disclose the extent and nature of the damage inflicted by female circumcision upon its victims; Religious leaders directed their energies towards dissociating the practice of female circumcision from Islamic religions and making it clear to the public that true Muslims should give up repulsive practices such as excessive excision and infibulation which have no support in the basic principles of Islam. Political leaders and notables gave their blessings and support and the fight against female circumcision went on and eventually culminated in the promulgation of the law of 1946. This legislation prohibited the practice of Pharaonic circumcision and made it illegal and punishable by fine and imprisonment.
From the start many serious misgivings were pronounced against these early efforts to deal with female circumcision and against the law that was intended to impose a strict ban on Pharaonic circumcision. The efforts were seen by some Sudanese as a direct interference on the part of the colonial government with intimate practices and values of the Sudanese society and culture and extreme nationalists viewed the whole campaign against female circumcision as a threat to national solidarity as it tended to divide Sudanese people into those for and against anti-circumcision laws.
Moreover, one of the immediate effects of the legislation of 1946 was that many girls were hurriedly taken by their mothers to be circumcised at earlier ages thereby giving those who were trying hard to convince the people to abandon the practice gradually, a serious setback. Indeed, over the years Pharaonic circumcision continued, though less openly, in spite of the fact that the prohibition of 1946 has never been formally revoked. In short, the anti-circumcision legislation has never been fully accepted either in theory or in practice. Nevertheless, the pre-war efforts to deal with female circumcision were not without useful results.
Besides focusing the attention of a relatively large audience of the issue of female circumcision in the Sudan, a number of essential lessons can be extracted from these earlier experiences. First, it is extremely difficult if not impossible, for legislation to wipe out such a deeply rooted tradition as female circumcision. Second, and most important, is that in introducing laws and similar measures, due consideration should be given to such factors as the political climate and the socio-psychological setting or rather the socio-cultural way of life of the people or communities concerned.
Finally, if it is deemed necessary to introduce laws to combat a sensitive custom such as female circumcision, a genuine attempt should be made to grasp the full implications of these laws in order to avoid their undesirable results or unintended consequences.
The campaign against female circumcision in Sudan apparently has waned in the two decades or so following the Second World War. However, with the country's rapid change and development over recent decades, interest in female circumcision has been renewed and fresh attempts have been made with a view to eradicating it. Evaluating existing and on-going concerns and action dealing with female circumcision in the Sudan is an onerous task. However, the main features of recent attempts are easy to summarize. On the one hand, considerable and valuable efforts to combat female circumcision have been, and are being made in the country. On the other hand, much of what has been done so far is rather diverse and disparate. Unevenness and diversity are no doubt the inevitable results of the nature and complexity of female circumcision or the problem itself, the multiplicity of bodies and groups involved in it, and the variety of measures and actions made or suggested for the eventual eradication. These statements are not intended to belittle efforts, past or present, made toward combating female circumcision in the Sudan. They are intended solely to draw attention to the uneven and diverse nature of these efforts and to suggest that there is a need for a more co-ordinated work and a new strategy to do away with female circumcision in Sudan.
Much has been said or implied in this paper about the complexity of various aspects of female circumcision in Sudan. Here it is important to point out that in the last decade or so the number of organizations focusing their attention and interest on female circumcision has increased and that this reflects in a wide range of activities and measures intended to abolish the practice. Indeed, recently many more voluntary organisations, national and international bodies have been actively engaged in work and action-oriented activities with the objective of gaining more knowledge about circumcision-related issues and suggesting appropriate measures to eradicate the practice. The organizations include medical associations (Obstetrics and Gynaecological Society), Sudan Family Planning Association, Ahfad University College for Women, Babiker Badri Scientific Association for Women's Studies; High Nursing College, Department of Social Welfare, Maternal and Child Health Service of the Ministry of Health, the Sudan Women's Union, University of Khartoum, the National Committee for the Eradiction of Female Circumcision of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and WHO, UNICEF, the Swedish Radda Barnen, Swedish Housewives Association, and the Norwegian Action Group. These organizations articulated their activities and measures through a variety of channels, embracing conferences, seminars, symposia, workshops, discussion groups, radio, T.V., public speeches, books, articles, pamphlets, posters and integrated programmes of all sorts. The measures themselves include, among other things, emphasis on or call for legislation prohibiting all forms of female circumcision, intensification of general education of the public with special emphasis on the hazards of female circumcision, inclusion of courses on female circumcision as part of the curricula of certain educational institutions, intensification of educational programmes for special categories of personnel, e.g., midwives, health visitors, nutrition officers, etc., with a view to demonstrating the harmful effects of female circumcision and enlisting the support of these target categories for the campaign against female circumcision, and the integration of female circumcision issues with existing health and social programs designed to promote the status of women.
A survey such as the above leads to an apparent paradox regarding the campaign against female circumcision in the Sudan. On the one hand, it appears that a great deal of effort towards eradication of female circumcision has been expended. On the other hand, female circumcision, as indicated earlier in this paper, is still carried out in many parts of the country. This paradox however could easily be explained away if it is realized that these efforts to combat female circumcision tend to be on the whole quite space-specific. In particular, they tend to be limited to the urban complex of Khartoum and other highly selected localities. Again, the recent efforts to eradicate female circumcision in the Sudan, with few exceptions, are not based on reliable systematic research. All this implies that if efforts to deal with female circumcision are to succeed they should have a much wider geographical coverage and should be based on scientific research.
On the other hand, the lessons learned from the efforts carried out in the urban complex of Khartoum must be of central and crucial concern to the various organizations interested in circumcision related issues and problems since these lessons can be useful when efforts are extended to the rest of the Sudan. It is evident that a new strategy to eradicate female circumcision in Sudan must be based on reliable facts and interpretations of certain female circumcision-related problems and issues that should already identified as matters of concern and urgency. The space coverage of these issues and problems should be gradually enlarged to embrace different regions and populations of the whole of the Sudan.
Finally, to the extent that female circumcision is widespread in many African countries, concerned quarters in these countries must seek ways and means to exchange knowledge and experiences relating to this practice with a view to seeing the day it will be completely abolished.
Research and work in progress
Two surveys were undertaken in the Sudan, one by the Faculty of Medicine, University of Khartoum, and the other by the Sudan Fertility Association. Both are nation-wide, and both tackled many aspects of female circumcision (preference for the various types, attitudes toward it, complications ensuing from it, and justification given for the practice).
About 200 pieces of research, of different types, on various scales have also been done, which include dissertations at the first degree and diploma levels, an M.Sc. thesis, and post-graduate professional research. A special project is being undertaken by the Medical Research council to document and classify research on female circumcision and to suggest policies for future research on previous and current efforts to eliminate female circumcision.
Work Already Done Or In Progress
1. A national Workshop was held in 1981 in Khartoum to discuss female circumcision and to produce recommendations and strategies for the elimination of female circumcision.
2. Thereafter a follow-up committee was established as a Sub-Committee of the Babiker Badri Scientific association for Women's Studies. This committee is composed of both men and women and it has provided many public lectures and mass media activities.
3. A book on the proceedings of the Workshop, including all the recommendations made was published in 1983. It has been widely distributed, but there has been no detailed follow-up system to check whether each Ministry has fulfilled its obligations to accomplish the specific objectives of the Workshop.
4.The Babiker Badri Scientific Association has five current projects on female circumcision. Two workshops have already taken place.
5. Before the Dakar Conference took place, a National Committee had been formed which has held two meetings since September 1983. During these meetings it was recommended that a law should be enforced to forbid all forms of female circumcision and that the government should provide a state policy for the elimination of female circumcision. After the Dakar Conference the two men and two women who attended were supposed to form a National Committee to abolish female circumcision. It was decided, however, that as Sudan has already formed a National Committee, and two of those who went to Dakar were already members of it, there was no need to form another committee. No action has yet been taken by the National Committee.
Suggested Future Strategies By Organizations.
A.1. The BBSAWS should undertake 6 regional workshops in the 6 regions of the Northern Sudan to sensitise people in rural areas, to select highly motivated leaders from them and then to continue the work of the campaign by forming subcommittees of these to be responsible for the continuation of the work.
A.2. Work should be concentrated on a model area in the three towns of the capital to discover what results can be achieved to eliminate female circumcision, in one specific area. Checks should be made before and after the work in this model area in order to provide an efficient system of evaluation.
A.3. The integrated Women's Development Programmes should be extended to other villages.
A.4. Educational materials should continue to be produced and so should discussion groups continue to take place.
A.5. The project which has already begun should be completed so that midwives become supervisors of the work of motivating others to abolish female circumcision.
B. At the group and individual levels there should be:
1. Research on the effects of female circumcision on fertility, 2. Research on the psychological impact of female circumcision children through long-term research in rural Khartoum; 3. Other research.
C. A league of university students should be formed for the elimination of female circumcision
D. The National Committee should be re-constituted so as to be smaller in number but to be composed of people really dedicated to the eradication of female circumcision.
E. Although the Sudan Government has no specific strategy, all Ministers concerned should publicly announce that female circumcision should be abolished. The Minister of Health in particular should ask all members of the medical services to take action to combat it. All Public Health Programmes should include education for the elimination of female circumcision.
REFERENCES Abu Shammma, A.O., et al, Female Circumcision in the Sudan, Lancet. Vol. 1. (1949).
Badri, Amna El Shadik, Present Situation of Female Circumcision in the Sudan (A Paper presented to the Seminar on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children in Africa. Dakar (1984).
Female Circumcision in the Sudan, The Ahfad Journal. Vol. 1 (1984).
Badri, Badri Suliman, Knowledge and Attitude Towards Female Circumcision Among High School Girls. (Dissertation presented to Ahfad University College for Women) (1983).
Badrim, Gasim Yousif, The Views of Gynaecologists, Midwives and College Students. (Proceedings on the Changing Status of Sudanese Women, Khartoum (1979).
Barbour, K.M., The Republic of the Sudan: A Regional Geography London, (961).
Ba'ascher, T.A., Psycho-social Aspects of Female Circumcision. (Paper presented to World Health Organization Seminar on "Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children. Khartoum (1979).
El Dareer, Asma, Women Why Do You Weep? Circumcision and its Consequences, London (1983).
Complications of Female Circumcision in the Sudan, Tropical Doctor (1983).
Farah, Abdel-Aziz Mohd;, et al, Aspects of Population Change and Development in the Sudan; (Proceedings of the Second National Population Conference, Khartoum (1982).
Hesken, F.P., Female Circumcision in Africa. Victomology : An International Journal. Vol. 2 (197.
International Labour Office (ILO), Growth, Employment and Equity : A Comprehensive Strategy for the Sudan. Geneva (1976).
Modawi, Suliman, The Impact of Social and Economic Changes on Female Circumcision. (Proceedings of the Third Congress of Obstetrics and Gynaecology). Sudan Medical Association Congress Series N. 1. Reprinted (1974).
Shandall, Ahmed Abu-el-Futuh, Circumcision and Infibulation of Females. Sudan Medical Journal, Vol 5 (1967).
Taba, A.H., Female Circumcision. World Health. (1979).
Verzin, J.A., Sequelae of Female Circumcision. Tropical Doctor. October (1975).
Worsley, A., Infibulation and Female Circumcision : A Study of a Little-known Custom. Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology of the British Empire. Vol. 45 (193.
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Female circumcision in the Gambia Aouzu Billahi Minash Shaitani Rajemm. Bismillahi Rahmani-r-Racheem
My name is Mrs. Fatoumata Tambajang and I am from the Gambia, small country with a population of 696,886 of which 80% live in health hazardous rural areas and 70% of these are circumcised women and girls.
Madame chairperson, fellow participants on this note I wish to state that it is indeed a great pleasure and honour to be in your midst through the good will of the Babiker Badri Scientific association for Women's Studies in the Sudan. I am hereby representing the National Committee of Traditional Practices affecting the Health of Women and Children in the Gambia, in the capacity of secretary. Mrs. Safiatou Singhateh who was our original representative to the Workshop is unable to attend due to other pressing official engagements. However, she has asked me to convey to the BBSAWS and the hospitable loving brothers and sisters of the Sudan with whom some of our ethnic groups at home share historical relationship, her personal gratitude for inviting us to the Workshop.
She also wishes us a successful deliberation in the Workshop. If we all recall, the deliberations during Dakar UNFPA funded workshop on "Traiditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children in Africa" left us without any doubt as to that there was direct relationship between a mother and child. The significant problem of female circumcision turns out to one of the major urgent and cruel clitoridictonuria practices in The Gambia needing our attention and combined efforts. In the first instance, physical plain is inflicted upon a girl as well as life threatening consequences such as serious bleeding and infections leading to anaemia and tetanus respectively. The letter in most obvious cases emanate from the dirty and non-sterilized environment in which the operations are performed, as well as the knife or razor blade with which it is performed.
It is worth noting that the psychological complex of the need to comprehend natural delivery and affectionate parenthood is unique. Besides, there can be psychological changes to a circumcised mother's natural reaction to sex. This may not be realised directly, but we should be ready to argue that the body's sex hormone composition is partially modified by the "sensitive organ" (clitoris).
As regard the child, it can be acknowledged that the injury to a child at delivery appears to be mainly due to the restriction of the mother's birth canal. This mostly ends up being a traumatic injury to both mother and child. Hence there is a suspected high morbidity and infant mortality rate in the Gambia as well as in other African countries where female circumcision is practiced. I am, at this juncture, glad to report to my fellow participant that the Gambia Women's Bureau has now, in light of the above, established a National Committee with a view to research, analyse and design strategies for the eradication of female circumcision through a policy document to be proposed to our government. We shall communicate the outcome of this major undertaking as soon as possible.
The composition of our national committee
Our National Committee is comprised of Senior Representatives from the Government/Non-Government/UNDP in respect of the Women's Bureau; the Ministries/Departments of Health, Labour and Social Welfare, Education, Youth, Sports and Culture, Information and Broadcasting, Justice cum Attorney General's Chambers, Agriculture and Natural Resources (extension workers); Gambia Family Planning Association; Non-formal educational services; Community Development (field workers); as well as representatives of traditional practitioners and female circumcisers.
The above listed parties have met already twice to discuss the implications and remedial measures geared towards ultimate eradication of female circumcision and have arrived at the conclusion that the best way to approach the cruel practice is through evaluation of the following points:
a. The origin, causes and statistical data of female circumcision. b. The concept of female circumcision in respect to Gambia modern society including medical and religious point of view. c. The economic effect of the eradication of female circumcision. d. Eventual substitutes of economic income activity for the female circumcisers.
The relevant questionnaire, hence studies funded by the OXFAM Foundation centred around the above issues, is underway, but the preliminary evaluation made shows that the origin of female circumcision is purely cultural and customary with the intention of preparing girls for "clean" womanhood. Our rough statistical estimate is based on discussions and indicates that about 70 % (seventy per cent) of our Gambia population is involved in the practice of female circumcision. It is therefore important to note that the practices of female circumcision cannot be eradicated by short-term goals because of its pronounced tie to culture and custom. A girl who is not circumcised, for example, can undergo strenuous psychological and social pressures and isolation from her social interaction group.
The National Committee has subsequently recommended that coordinated activities of continued education in the form of workshops, seminars and adult education should constitute the proper approach to a long-term goal of eventual eradication of female circumcision. There is an undisputed medical supporting evidence that if the health hazards to mothers and children are effectively propagated to the general public, it would gradually result in self-withdrawal of the traditional practitioners as the clientele declines over the years. Our proposal, which I hereby submit to the available funding agencies, will, if approved, greatly facilitate the implementation of our planned inter-divisional local training.
I now wish to end my presentation and thank you all sisters and brothers for your attention and continued cooperation.
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Re: الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" (Re: nada ali)
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الاخت نجاة،
لا ادرى لماذا تحسين اننى لم اجاوب على النقاط التى قمت باثارتها، فقد اوضحت اننى اتفق معك فى مسألة تكثيف العمل فى مجال التوعية و عدم اقتصاره على الجانب القانونى، لكننى اختلف معك فى مسألة اهمال الجانب القانونى بدعوى ان ذلك سيجعل الاسر تمارس الختان فى الخفاء مما يعرض حياة الطفلات للخطر، فالقانون مهم حتى لدعم نشاطات التوعية و تبيان ان الختان جريمة و ان الدولة جادة فى محاربته! نعم فى الماضى حين سن قانون 46 بواسطة الاحتلال البريطانى (انظرى الروابط اعلاه) قامت الكثير من الاسر بالاسراع بختان الصغيرات حتى لا تتعرض الاسر للمساءلة القانونية، لكن هذا عام 2006 و لابد ان المناخ تغير ولو قليلا؟؟
مقارنة الختان و الاجهاض فى غير محلها فهذين موضوعين مختلفين، و الختان يمارس على صغيرات بينما فى مسألة الاجهاض لا يتم فرض ذلك على من تريد القيام به!
لا اريد ان اعيد الحديث المكرر عن مضارّ الانتهاك البدنى للاناث، كعنف ضد المرأة و انتهاك لحقوقها (بما فى ذلك الحق فى الحياة)! و لا اعتقد انك تختلفين معى فى هذا، لهذا يقف الوقوف ضده بكل الوسائل الممكنة.
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Re: الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" (Re: nada ali)
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Mohamed E. Suleiman
كتبت،
Quote: المقصود بالسجمانين والسجمانات كل من يحاول الدفاع عن جريمة الحركة الشعبية وكل من يناصرهــــا في أقتراف الجرائم في حق النساء. بوست الاخت هالة عندي بمثابة محاولة لتشتيت الانتباه عن جريمة الحركة الشعبية --------- بعدين الرابط لن أحذفه مع تقديري |
اذا قرأت بوست الاخت هالة و الاخ عصام جبر الله، ستجد اراء من اسميتهم فى البوست ناس "العلمانية" و "الجندر"و "السودان الجديد" و غيرهم/ن، يعبرون عن استنكارهم و ادانتهم لهذه الجريمة فى حالة حدوثها! و حينها سيتوجب على الحركة الشعبية التحقيق فى الامر و محاسبة مرتكبى الجريمة و ضمان ان لا يتكرر هذا فى المستقبل. كما كتبت فى بوست الاخت هالة، فهناك منظمات نسائية عديدة و نشطة تعمل فى مجال حقوق المرأة فى الجنوب و انا متأكدة ان هذه المنظمات لن تقف مكتوفة الايدى اذا علمت بهذه الجريمة. سؤالى،
هل انت مهتم بما حدث للمرأتين؟ ام باستخدام هذا الحدث لمهاجمة من تختلف معهم/ن فكريا او سياسيا و شتمهم/ن؟ بالاضافة لموقفك من هذه الجريمة فى حالة حدوثها (اذا كانت قد حدثت فعلا)، هل سبق لك ان كتبت من قبل حول الفظائع التى تعرضت لها نساء الجنوب بواسطة حكم ما يسمى بالانقاذ و الحكومات السابقة، ام ان هذا الاهتمام حديث؟
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Re: الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" (Re: nada ali)
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العزيزة عالية شكرا لرفع البوست
تحياتى
الترجمة العربية لبيان فوروارد
Quote: وزير العدل والنائب العام - السودان عريضة ضد الخفاض بكل أنواعه
موجهة إلى وزير العدل والنائب العام جمهورية السودان
السيد وزير العدل والنائب العام بجمهورية السودان الخرطوم، ص. ب 744
في 19 ديسمبر 2005
السيد محمد علي المرضي، وزير العدل والنائب العام، بعد التحية
الموضوع: مطالبة بوضع نهاية لممارسة الخفاض بكل أنواعه: دعونا نحمي حياة طفلات السودان، فتيات اليوم، نساء الغد، من أن تضيع هدراً.
نتوجه إليكم نحن الموقعين أدناه، طالبين تدخلكم الفوري، بوصفكم وزيراً للعدل ونائباً عاماً لجمهورية السودان، وذلك من أجل وضع نهاية لممارسة الخفاض في السودان بكل أشكاله. كما تعلمون، فإن طفلة بريئة فقدت حياتها في السادس من شهر ديسمبر الماضي، من جراء عملية الخفاض. لقد صرح الطبيب الذي عرضت عليه بمستشفى بحري هذه الطفلة، إنعام عبد الوهاب، التي كانت في الرابعة من عمرها، مؤكداً بأنها توفيت بسبب نزيف حاد وتسمم في الدم بسبب هذه العادة الضارة. لقد غطت الصحافة السودانية هذه الحادثة المحزنة تغطية واسعة، فأبرزت موجة الحزن التي أحدثها هذا الموت العبثي. وعلى الرغم من أنه كان هناك قانون منذ عام 1946 يمنع منعاً باتاً أكثر أنواع الخفاض بشاعةً، إلا أنه من الواضح أن هذا القانون لا يمنع بشكل واضح كل أنواع الخفاض الأخرى، لذلك لم يكن من الممكن له أن يحول دون تعرض هذه الطفلة للموت. وقد فشل هذا القانون أيضاً في فرض حماية شاملة للفتيات والنساء السودانيات، فنسبة الخفاض في السودان تقدر بنسبة 89 بالمائة، وتتعرض غالبيتهن لأكثر أنواعه بشاعة، أي النوع المعروف باسم "الخفاض الفرعوني". على أثر وفاة الطفلة إنعام، قامت مجموعة من منظمات المجتمع المدني السودانية على رأسها اتحاد الممرضات السودانيات، بتنظيم مسيرة احتجاج في شوارع الخرطوم. وقد تحركت هذه المسيرة من المستشفى الذي توفيت فيه هذه الطفلة متوجهة ً نحو وزارة العدل، للمطالبة بسن قانون يمنع كل أشكال الخفاض في السودان منعاً كاملاً. وهذا يوضح أن هناك مساندة شعبية واسعة للدعوة لإلغاء كل أنواع الخفاض. ونحن إذ نتوجه إليكم بهذه العريضة، نطلب منكم سن قانون لمنع هذه الممارسة في السودان والعمل على ترسيخه، فالحاجة إليه قد أصبحت ملحة وعاجلة. كما نود أن نلفت عنايتكم إلى أنه من مسئولية الحكومة في السودان توفير حماية حقوق النساء والفتيات، وفقاً لما تنص عليها المعاهدات والاتفاقيات الدولية، كالإعلان العالمي لحقوق الإنسان الصادر في عام 1948، واتفاقية حقوق الطفل الصادرة في عام 1989. وفيما يتعلق بهذه الاتفاقية، فإن حكومة السودان قد التزمت بموجب المصادقة عليها بأن "تتعهد بأن تضمن للطفل الحماية والرعاية اللازمتين لرفاهيته". إننا نرى أنه من الملِّح والعاجل التقيد بهذه الالتزامات الدولية، وضمان توفير العناية والمساعدة اللازمتين للفتيات وللنساء اللاتي تعرضن لعملية الخفاض. ومن الدلائل الواضحة على الدعم الدولي الموجّه نحو إلغاء كافة أشكال ختان الإناث، هناك البروتوكول الخاص بحقوق المرأة الملحق بالميثاق الأفريقي لحقوق الإنسان وحقوق الشعوب الذي أجيز في شهر نوفمبر من عام 2003. يدعو هذا البروتوكول إلى مكافحة كافة أشكال العنف ضد المرأة ويمنع كافة أنواع ختان الإناث منعاً جلياً وواضحاً. إننا نعرب عن تخوفنا من أن لا تنضم الحكومة السودانية إلى الدول الموقعة على هذا الميثاق. لذلك، نحثكم على اتخاذ هذه الخطوة الهامة من أجل إلغاء كافة أشكال التمييز بسبب النوع.
إننا على ثقة من أنكم ستستخدمون كل الصلاحيات المخولة لكم من أجل وضع نهاية للمشاكل التي تؤدي إلى موت ومعاناة الفتيات والنساء بسبب الخفاض. ونتوجه إليكم بالشكر مقدماً للخطوات التي ستتخذونها في هذا الصدد. |
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Re: الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" (Re: nada ali)
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FOUNDATION FOR WOMEN’S HEALTH, RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT
Promoting Change, Well-being and Human Dignity
International Zero Tolerance to FGM Day: Make Female Genital Mutilation History!
On this the third International Zero Tolerance to Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) Day, The Foundation for Women’s Health, Research and Development (FORWARD) urges the international community and African governments to Make FGM History!
In February 2003, the Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (IAC) adopted a "Declaration of Zero Tolerance to FGM on the African Continent". Today FORWARD renews its position on FGM and demands that African governments issue, review and implement laws and policies to protect African girls’ and women’s sexual and reproductive rights, in accordance with The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, which explicitly prohibits FGM.
FORWARD urges all stakeholders including governments, UN agencies, international and local NGOs and community based organisations to scale up the campaign to end FGM which violates the fundamental human rights of girls and women, including their right to life.
On December 6th 2005 a four year old Sudanese girl, Enaam Abdelwahab, lost her life to FGM. In light of this tragic event FORWARD launched a campaign to urge the government of Sudan to ban all forms of FGM and called for increased mobilisation to eliminate FGM in Sudan. FORWARD appeals to human rights activists worldwide to join this campaign by signing the online petition to the Government of Sudan at: http://www.PetitionOnline.com/6dec2005/.
Between today, Zero Tolerance to FGM Day, and International Women’s Day on March 8th FORWARD aims to collect 6000 signatures, one for each girl in the world that WHO estimates is subjected to FGM every day. The petition will be presented to the Sudanese Ministry of Justice. Help send a clear and united message to the Government of Sudan that FGM and the abuse of girls’ and women’s rights will not be tolerated in any form!
If you would like any more information about FGM please check the FORWARD website or contact FORWARD using the information below.
Thank you
FORWARD (Foundation for Women's Health, Research & Development) Unit 4 765-767 Harrow Road London NW10 5NY
Tel: 020 8960 4000 Fax: 020 8960 4014 www.forwarduk.org.uk
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Re: الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" (Re: nada ali)
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الاخ العزيز د. محمود،
تحية طيبة و ارجو ان تكون و الاسرة بخير،
كم هى عميقة و معبرة هذه الكلمات، فلك الاحترام و التقدير
Quote: نحن محمود مصطفى محمود، ولي أمر مآب وملاذ محمود ، أوقع ليس صوناً لحق بناتي في حياة صحية وعيشة هنيئة ، بل أوقع دفعاً للضرر عن كل زهرات بلادي ودعماً لحقوق الإنسان السوداني الطيب. |
ارجو ان تحاول مرة اخرى مع الرابط فهو يعمل.
الاخ العزيز سيف بشير سلامات و ارجو ان تكون
كل الشكر لدعم الحملة، و لا نتوقع منك اقل من ذلك. الرجاء مراجعة الماسنجر او الايميل
ندى
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Re: الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" (Re: nada ali)
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Dear Nada Thanks for your effort. I support all the efforts to ban all forms of Female Circumcision ( I do not use the term FGM, a term widely used by Western feminists). I also join the call for passing criminal , and civil laws to ban this horrible practice.I also think, we all need to pledge to educate, raise the awarness, and act in our families to eradicate FC I have been involved in this issue since high school. I joined a campaign by courageous men, and women in my matriarchal family to eradicate FC. Thanks to their effort.FC became history in my matriarchal family for more than 30 years. During that time, I noticed that the progressive movements in Sudan were silent in addressing FC. The only active group was Babikr Badri Association. I salute their stand. Iam not a lawyer, but from my follow up of this issue, I would like to say at this moment, there is no law against Phahronic, or Sunna Circumcision in Sudan. The laws of 1925, and 1974 were dropped after passing the notorious September laws. The laws which replaced 1983 laws, failed to legislate on FC. You need to correct the information in the petition about existence of laws in Sudan against Phahronic Circumcision Regards Abu Ghassan
(عدل بواسطة Elmoiz Abunura on 02-11-2006, 08:20 PM) (عدل بواسطة Elmoiz Abunura on 02-11-2006, 08:23 PM) (عدل بواسطة Elmoiz Abunura on 02-14-2006, 11:30 PM)
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Re: الرجاء التوقيع لدعم الحملة الخاصة بالقضاء على الانتهاك البدنى للاناث "ختان الاناث" (Re: nada ali)
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الفضلى / ندي
اولا اوقع واشارك في الحملة بكل قوة
ثانيا حسب علمي ان الخفاض للاناث ممنوع بالقانون في السودان منذ سنوات ولذلك لايتم اجراء هذه العملية البغيضة والبشعة معا في المؤسسات الصحية الحكومية كمامنعت وزارة الصحة كل القابلات القانونيات من اجراء عمليات الخفاض لكن كما ذكرت فان هذه العملية الان تجري فوق الارض دون اكتراث لشيء. وكما تعلمين ان هذا العمل القبيح مرتبط بعادات اجتماعية وارث ثقافي متجذر ومحاولة استئصاله باصدار القوانين والمحاكم سينقل الفعل الى تحت الارض وهذا كما ذكرت الفضلى/ بيان اخطر واسوا
اذن ما العمل لدي مقترح: اطلاق حملة ضخمة رسمية وشعبية تضم كافة المنطمات المهنية والجمعيات الفئوية والاتحادات والنقابات بالاضافةللحكومة تقوم الحملة بالاتي :ـ
1/ منظمات المجتمع المدني النسوية لان الامهات في القرى والنجوع اللاتي لم يلن حظا من التعليم هن الشريحة المستهدفة الاولى 2/ الندوات في الجامعات بتكوين الجمعيات داخل هذه الجامعات تحت شعار مجتمع خال من العادات الضارة وعلى راسها خفاض الاناث , ايضا الجمعيات الجهوية داخل الجامعات تعمل على تسيير قافلة كل الى منطقتها تخصص لمحاربة هذه العادة 3/ تصدر وزارة التربية والتعليم منشورا للمدراس لعقد محاضرات توعوية للطلبة والطالبات كما تلزم بتقديم محاضرات وندوات لاولياء الامور والامهات للتوعية والتبصير بخطر هذا الفعل على الطفلة من كافة الجوانب 4/ الاتحادات المهنية تدخل مادة صحة الاسرة كمادة اساسية في جميع الدورات التي تنظمها لمنسوبيها 5/ الدوائر الحومية والوزارت تخصص شهريايوما يسمى يوم الخدمة تصدر وزارة الخدمة العامة منشورا بتضمين صحة الاسرة ومحاربة العادات الضارة فقرة رئيسية في هذا اليوم 6/ طبع الملصقات والبوسترات وتوزيعها في كل مكان 7/ يجب على اجهزة الاعلام المشاركة وليس ابراز الحدث ذلك بوضع اعلان على صدر الصفحة الاولى يوميا.كذلك التلفزيون شعار واضح وثابت بجوار المذيع الاذاعة بعمل درامي ممكن يتكيء على حادث وفاة الطفلة من جراء العملية 8/ على الحكومة اصدار تشريع فانوني يوضع ويناقش نقاش واسع ثم يجاز من المجلس الوطني ومن ثم يصبع قانونا نافذا هذا ما رايت ان اضيفه وارجو ان يكون مفيدا
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