كتب الكاتب الفاتح جبرا المتوفرة بمعرض الدوحة
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 ثورة قناة العربية
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Quote: بقلم: محمد محمد خير
حين يرشح رئيس تحرير النشرة خبراً ما لجعله عنواناً رئيسياً.. يتوقف ذلك على أمرين.. إما أن يكون الخبر قد تصدر أخبار الوكالات.. وإما أن يكون حصرياً على القناة وتقتضي هذه الحالة ألا يكون للقناة غرض.
مساء الجمعة تصدر خبر اندلاع مظاهرات كبيرة في عدة مدن سودانية نشرات قناة العربية من الساعة الرابعة حتى العاشرة.. ولم تكن الوكالات طرفاً في الخبر.. بما يعني أنه حصري على العربية.
أن تنفرد وسيلة إعلامية بخبر ما ويكون لها قصب السبق.. هذا أمر مستطاب في العملية الإعلامية.. ومن شأنه أن يراكم للوسيلة الإعلامية تجربة تضعها في مصاف الصدقية.. وربما يجعلها مرجعية للصدقية وهذا ما فشلت فيه القناة عن طريق الأدوات المساعدة لإثبات ذلك.
اتصلت المذيعة بالأستاذ سعد الدين حسن مراسل القناة من الخرطوم تستفسره عن أعداد المتظاهرين وحجمهم وتدخلات رجال الشرطة والأمن.. وكانت واثقة من كثرة عددهم ومن اتساع حجمهم.. وكانت على قناعة أكبر بأن الشرطة سحلتهم ومارست عنفاً منفلتاً بحقهم. غير أن إجابة سعد كانت عكس اللهفة الولهة للمذيعة.. والأهم أن الشرطة لم تطلهم!!
حين تنفرد القناة بخبر.. فذلك يعني بداهة أن مكتب القناة ومراسلها هم مصدر الخبر وخلفية المشهد.. لكن حين ينتفي ذلك فهذا ما يعني أن غرفة الأخبار في دبي هي المصدر ومكتب القناة في الخرطوم هو فقط المؤكد!!
كنت أتصور أن مركز الأخبار بدبي كان سيكتفي بالنشرتين اللتين تصدرهما خبر انتفاضة السودان.. لكن المدهش أن مربعاً أحمر مكتوباً عليه عاجل.. نهض في الساعة الإخبارية الرياضية مكتوب عليه عاجل: مظاهرات حاشدة في جبرة غرب الخرطوم!!
واستمرت القناة هكذا حتى انتصف الليل وأدركها الصباح فسكتت عن الكلام المباح!!
نلاحظ أن قناة العربية تتوجه بكاملها بإرادة رجل واحد تحركه مشاعر مضطربة ومتناقضة تجاه خيارات أمته وتجاه الحركات الإسلامية وتجاه السودان بشكل خاص.. رغم قناعتي بأنه يحب السودان وبعض أهل السودان من الذين (يتممون كيفه).. فالرجل مثقف وعولمي وتطبيعي ومعادٍ للإسلام السياسي و(كييف) لكن محو المهنية عن طريق إسقاطات القناعة.. سيضع القناة في مواجهة مصداقيتها.. فلا زلنا نتلمس فيها بعضاً من ظلال المهنية.
كانت ما نقلته القناة لمشاهد متقطعة ليست ثورة السودان.. لأنها ضامرة القوام وقليلة العدد ومسترخية لكنها ثورة الراشد التي تشبهه تماماً.. لكن الجديد فيها أن غرفة الأخبار حلت مسرح الحدث وهذا وضع (شاذ) يشبه أيضاً عبد الرحمن الراشد!! |
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 Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: فدوى الشريف)
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بقيتو تستلوا بكلام محمد محمد خير الانتهازى المتملق ؟
والله حالتكم سعبه
امس الجمعه حتى القنوات الغربيه جابت الخبر بتاع المظاهره وكثير من الصحف الغربيه
كوعت يا امنجيه
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Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: خضر الطيب)
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| Quote: امس الجمعه حتى القنوات الغربيه جابت الخبر بتاع المظاهره وكثير من الصحف الغربيه |
ياخضر حتى لو فى وتم نقلها هى محدودة وليس بالتضخيم الذى تصوره المنابر الاسفيرية وقناة العبرية
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Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: خضر الطيب)
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اركز يا امنجى الداخل باسم فدوى ( الفريش)
هذا الخبر على موقع قناة روسيا اليوم
Quote:
أشتون تأسف لاستخدام العنف ضد المتظاهرين السودانيين
أعربت الممثلة العليا للشؤون الخارجية في الإتحاد الأوروبي كاثرين آشتون عن أسفها إزاء استخدام العنف من جانب قوات الأمن السودانية ضد المتظاهرين.
ودعت آشتون إلى ضرورة الإفراج الفوري عن المتظاهرين السلميين الذين تم احتجازهم، وناشدت قوات الأمن السودانية بضبط النفس وتجنب استخدام القوة.
وحثت آشتون حكومة السودان على احترام حقوق السودانيين في حرية التعبير والتجمع، مشددة على ضرورة إقامة حوار وطني شامل لتلبية احتياجات وتطلعات جميع المواطنين في البلاد.
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دا واحد تانى
اعفصى هنا عفصك قندرانى :
http://storify.com/rodrigodavies/sudanrevolts-in-pictures
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Daniel SolomonStudent, Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service
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As Sudan Revolts, Building a New Future for Darfur
Posted: 07/02/2012 2:34 pm
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Throughout the past two weeks, an emerging, dynamic protest movement has spread across Sudan, challenging the National Congress Party's (NCP) waning grip on political authority. In addition to #SudanRevolts' domestic uprising, Khartoum confronts internal schisms and a three-front military conflict -- violence in Darfur, Sudan's South Kordofan and Blue Nile states, and with South Sudan threatens civilian security and livelihoods. As the NCP's hold loosens, Sudan's future looks increasingly uncertain; the Sudanese regime's structure, character and identity are in flux, and Khartoum's relationship with marginalized communities in Darfur, the border states, and eastern Sudan remains unresolved.
Mass atrocities have continued in Darfur, despite the gradual de-escalation of the NCP's counterinsurgency campaign: Khartoum restricts essential humanitarian access to the region, while indiscriminate bombings and government-backed militia attacks against civilian population centers persist. Most internally displaced populations have not returned home, and have struggled to construct new communities in exile. And yet, in areas of relative stability, the foundations of reconstruction have begun to emerge. As Jeffrey Gettleman indicated in February, and groups on the ground have confirmed, refugees have trickled back to Darfur, slowly developing a basis for resilient, sustainable renewal.
El-Malam, outside the Darfuri city of Nyala, is the life-blood of Darfur's reconstruction. Before the war, el-Malam functioned as a regional center for cultural, economic, and commercial prosperity. At the nexus of Nyala and el-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, el-Malam operated a vibrant market, an impressive network of primary schools, and a sustained base of health services. Unfortunately for el-Malam's residents, the town also emerged as a strategic hub; as the Darfur's civil war escalated, and Darfuri rebel forces consolidated their hold over the town, el-Malam quickly became a target of successive, destructive attacks by government-sponsored militias.
As Darfur's regional conflict ebbed, giving way to localized, intercommunal conflict, opportunities for reconciliation began to emerge. Last November, the Institute for Sustainable Peace (ISP), a U.S.-based conflict resolution program, organized a multi-week reconciliation workshop, seeking to build common ground between formerly-embattled Fur and Bin Masour leaders, as well as members of el-Malam's displaced community. The el-Malam project crafted an immediate forum for peace building, as well as a long-term framework for sustained reconciliation; ISP's workshop participants developed a list of community priorities for reconstruction, including the restoration of el-Malam's vibrant market culture, youth education and empowerment, and irrigation infrastructure.
In the months since the ISP workshop, the el-Malam community has been hard at work, transforming the reconstruction plan into a tangible reality. In many ways, the el-Malam project represents a vision for a restored, inclusive Sudan: local and regional officials, displaced communities, and an emergent civil society each play an integral role in planning el-Malam's development projects and ensuring continued security. Two months ago, I dropped by a BBQ with a couple of project participants in the Sudanese-American community. The group is a diverse assortment of diaspora members from Darfur, South Sudan, Khartoum, and across the Middle East -- truly, a microcosm of John Garang's "new Sudan" in practice.
As a national popular protest movement re-emerges, there's a new wave of fresh good-news stories developing in Sudan. In Darfur, the el-Malam project is building one more.
نيويورك تايمز
MEMO FROM AFRICA
Dissent Sprouts in Sudan, but It May Not Be Arab Spring
By JEFFREY GETTLEMAN
Published: July 5, 2012
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NAIROBI, Kenya — They call it “licking your elbow,” a reference to pulling off the impossible.
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European Pressphoto Agency
The scene in Khartoum, Sudan, last month after protesters clashed with the police, left. Opposition to the government there is on the rise.
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In the past few weeks, from the sweltering streets of Khartoum, the capital, to the usually quiet riverine town of Atbara, hundreds, possibly thousands, of Sudanese protesters have braved police batons and tear gas to rail against the government.
Their placards read “Down, Down Military Rule,” and they shout, “No, no, to high prices!” prompting a fierce crackdown from riot police officers who have routinely swatted the protesters in the head and have even shot tear gas into hospital courtyards, making some patients go into seizures.
All this raises the question: Is the Arab Spring sweeping into Sudan?
It seems much of the kindling is already there: a repressive, autocratic regime that has been in power 23 years; a dire economic crisis; heavily armed insurrection in several corners of the country; and a fired-up protest movement that goes beyond the usual suspects of students and unemployed youths to shopkeepers and housewives, all willing to literally take a beating.
Add to that the regional writing on the wall. In both Egypt, to the north, and Libya, to the northwest, popular anger (along with NATO airstrikes in Libya’s case) eventually toppled longstanding dictators. Beyond that, Sudan has a history of popular revolts bringing down governments. It happened in 1964 and in 1985.
But many Sudan experts are skeptical that Sudan’s government, led by President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, who seized power in a military coup in 1989, is about to fall.
For starters, even though he is quickly running out of money to pay his troops, raising the prospects of a military mutiny, Mr. Bashir has fashioned a devious Plan B to hang on, said Andrew S. Natsios, a former American special envoy to Sudan and the author of a recent book on the country. According to Mr. Natsios, Mr. Bashir has built a force of as many as 30,000 special security troops, drawing significantly from his own Arab tribe, with underground barracks and hidden arsenals, who are ready to “defend the regime street by street” as a last line of defense.
Mr. Natsios thinks there is a strong chance that Mr. Bashir’s forces, if really tested, would try to make Sudan ungovernable and that militant Islamists could then take over.
“I am not optimistic on where Northern Sudan is headed right now — whether the N.C.P. falls or not,” he said, referring to Mr. Bashir’s National Congress Party.
E. J. Hogendoorn, the Horn of Africa project director for the International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based organization that studies conflict, said that while the new round of protests felt different and revolutionary pressure was definitely building, a few crucial pieces were still missing.
“Unlike in Egypt, as of yet, the Sudanese lack an organized and disciplined party, like the Muslim Brotherhood, that can form the core of the protest movement,” he said.
John O. Voll, a professor of Islamic history at Georgetown University and longtime Sudan specialist, said the Sudanese military had so far refused to side openly with the protesters, which was the decisive factor in regime change in 1964 and 1985.
The protesters are not giving up, though they are the first ones to admit their movement is rather ad hoc. “The protests are not organized,” said a young woman named Mona, who did not want to be identified fully out of concern of arrest. “These are the people of Sudan who got fed up with the system.”
She added: “I’m a Sudanese girl and I’m proud of my nationality. I know how rich my country is in terms of natural resources. I deserve a good life.”
Last year, students in Khartoum used Facebook and other social media to catalyze relatively small protests, which were promptly crushed. But a few weeks ago, students at the University of Khartoum rose up again, and this time the unrest spread deep into middle-class neighborhoods where people blocked roads with burning tires. Next came what the protesters called Sandstorm Friday on June 22 and then Licking the Elbow Friday on June 29, Friday being the day of prayer, the easiest time to mobilize people to hit the streets.
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/06/world/afric..._r=2&ref=global-home
The Sudanese Stand Up
The best way to help the protesters in Sudan? Cover the story.
BY CHRISTIAN CARYL | JUNE 27, 2012
What's happening in Sudan is nothing short of amazing. This is the country that has been ruled since 1989 by President Omar al-Bashir -- the man who faces a global arrest warrant after being charged with war crimes by the International Criminal Court for his country's exterminationist policies in Darfur. This is a guy who was willing to kill millions of his compatriots -- and not only Darfuris -- in order to keep himself in power. Now, thousands of Sudanese are taking to the streets to defy him and his regime. Many have already disappeared into torture chambers for their efforts.
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You could be forgiven if you hadn't noticed. Western media coverage has been thin. CNN aired just a few grainy videos -- which is actually pretty commendable, considering that even the New York Times can't bring itself to do more than printing a few terse Reuters dispatches. (Unless you count their excellent blog The Lede, which finally brought out a good piece on the protests late yesterday.)
But there are a few news organizations that have been doing their best to report on the developing situation: the BBC, Bloomberg, and Agence France-Presse. It's surely no coincidence that some of their correspondents have run into trouble with the authorities. On Tuesday the Sudanese authorities deported Salma El Wardany, a Bloomberg reporter who was arrested by the security services for several hours last week. An AFP journalist was also detained by the police until Western diplomats intervened on his behalf.
The Sudanese government has very good reasons for targeting the handful of foreign journalists in Khartoum. How the outside world covers the uprising in Sudan -- billed by some as the latest installment of the Arab Spring -- will have a major impact on what happens there next.
That was the most important takeaway from my conversation this week with Yousif Elmahdi, a young oppositionist in the Sudanese capital of Khartoum. His activism really began in January 2011, when the Tunisian uprising first inspired Sudanese students to demonstrate against the Bashir government. Elmahdi was arrested and tortured by Bashir's secret police. This time around he's decided to confine his protest to the realm of social media rather than participate directly in the protests, but he has no illusions about what's likely to happen next. After our conversation he sent me a text:
Thank you -- I'm going to eventually get detained anyway if this thing increases so I'm trying to do as much as I can in the meantime without doing anything crazy to hasten the arrest.
And yet he was willing to let me use his name. That says something important, I think, about the grit of the people behind the protest movement now under way in Africa's third-largest country.
The current wave of unrest was started by women. On June 15, a group of female students at the University of Khartoum launched a public protest against drastic hikes in the prices of food and public transportation. Their male classmates joined them, and together they marched into the center of the city, where they were met by the combined forces of the police and the infamous National Intelligence and Security Service, who attacked the demonstrators with tear gas and iron rods. Courts have sentenced some of the detainees to lashes -- in some cases as many as 60.
But this failed to stop the revolt, which soon spread to other universities in Khartoum and then outside of the capital. Since then there have been demonstrations around the country, including places as far afield as Omdurman and Kasala. And the protests are no longer only about the high cost of living -- contrary to some of those headlines about "austerity protests." In the eastern town of Gedaref, members of the crowd chanted, "the people want to overthrow the regime" -- the mantra of the Tunisian and Egyptian protesters. Observers say that political demands have come to the forefront as the demonstrations have progressed.
Bashir responded by declaring that his government would push ahead with planned price rises. He denounced the demonstrators as a few criminal malcontents under foreign guidance and vowed to unleash his "jihadis" on anyone who persisted in taking to the streets. That last threat was enough to send a chill through many Sudanese, who understood Bashir to be referring to the Popular Defense Forces, a fanatical Arab militia with a particular record of viciousness in Sudan's myriad civil wars. "These are the people we'll see if this thing really spirals out of control," says Elmahdi. "These are the people who will shoot on sight."
Simple fear might explain why the demonstrations in Khartoum itself have ebbed somewhat over the past few days (though they're still going on). Yet the protests have continued unabated in other parts of the country. And it's not like the Sudanese are inexperienced. They take great pride in their past revolts against unpopular leaders.
So far, however, Sudan has not found its Tahrir Square. The demonstrations have been widely dispersed, usually amounting to a few hundred people at a time -- apparently a conscious tactic to avoid reprisals by the security forces. There's a risk of atomization. People won't keep it up if they think they're the only ones.
Hence the importance of the media. Most Sudanese rely on outside sources for their news. By far the most popular outlet is the Qatari-financed satellite TV broadcaster Al Jazeera. But there's a problem: The Qataris are friendly with the Bashir regime, and so Al Jazeera's Arabic programming has been notably coy in its reporting. For the first few days Al Jazeera barely deigned to mention the demonstrations. Saudi-owned Al Arabiya has been notably more forthcoming, but not as many Sudanese watch it. Elmahdi credits Al Arabiya -- as well as Arabic radio broadcasts from the BBC, Radio Monte Carlo, and U.S.-financed Radio Sawa -- with pressuring the Qataris to provide more balanced coverage of the events. But there's still a ways to go. "Ultimately it's Al Jazeera that's going to make or break this," says Elmahdi. That may be a bit of an exaggeration, but only a bit.
Media coverage, of course, not only connects the Sudanese with each other but also imposes at least some constraints on Bashir, who has shown a certain degree of sensitivity to international criticisms of his government. Oppositionists have organized an information campaign around the Twitter hashtag #SudanRevolts to boost international attention to the protests. (Even in this impoverished country, it turns out, there are many Sudanese who can access the internet through their mobile phones, though few have computers.) Still, the activists are under no illusions: Social media, they say, still can't compete with good old-fashioned TV.
The worst thing the West can do, according to Elmahdi, would be to impose additional sanctions on Sudan, which merely tend to rally people around the regime. By far the most effective means of ratcheting up the pressure, he says, would be to help the Sudanese get a clear picture of what their own government is doing to its citizens.
Western countries can help. Governments that sponsor Arabic-language news broadcasts should step up their coverage wherever possible and boost signals to ensure that more Sudanese can receive their programming. Perhaps they could even lobby the governments in Riyadh and Doha to beam more footage into Sudan. (And along the way, Washington and Brussels could tactfully point out to the Chinese that having a new leader in Khartoum might enable the oil from South Sudan to flow again. Bashir's negotiations with the year-old government in Juba about bringing the South's oil to market clearly aren't going anywhere.)
Meanwhile, editors at the big Western media outlets should send more reporters to illuminate the latest events in Sudan -- and not because that would support budding democrats. Quite simply, there's a huge story in the making here. Omar al-Bashir is now Africa's longest-serving autocrat. Like Qaddafi, he's been the instigator of countless conflicts -- not only against his own citizens in places like Darfur or South Kordofan, but also among his neighbors. (He even lent his support to Joseph Kony, the leader of Uganda's Lord's Resistance Army.) His fall would offer the opportunity of a fresh start not only to Sudan but to an entire region. Surely that's a story worth covering.
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/06...tian_caryl?page=full
دا غيض من فيض عن اخبار ثورة الشرفاء بالسودان
رسلوها للمعتوه الانتهازى محمد محمد خير بتاعكم دا يترجما ليك
جهلة متخلفين
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Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: خضر الطيب)
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| Quote: ياخضر حتى لو فى وتم نقلها هى محدودة |
محدوده واعداد المعتقلين تجاوز الالفين ؟
انا من راى شوفوا ليكم ضل تانى ولا اى حتة تكدو منها
خلاس كوعت
ماتبقو ذى الصحاف وبعد سقوط بغداد وهو بقول المواصلات فاضيه والرغيف بخير
وصدام حسين كان دخل فى حفره
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Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: Abdelmoniem ALHAJ)
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يا خضر الطيب لكن بتالغ
يعني عمك البكتب باسم فدوى الشريف في داعي تقطها ليه في حنانه؟!
اها يا مكن يكتب باسم فدوى الشريف
قلت لي (الشواذ) مالهم؟!
ما فضلت خيركم يا اسلامين!!
قال شاذ مثل عبد الرحمن الراشدي!!
يسلم الراشيد ويسلم كل من عرف الحق مثله
الشذوذ الحقيقي هو خيانة الشعب لمن أئتمنها!
لعنة الله عليكم.
ربنا يورينا فيكم يوم قريب!
وكوعت على قول خضر.
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Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: خضر الطيب)
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| Quote: أشتون تأسف لاستخدام العنف ضد المتظاهرين السودانيين |
ياخضر نقل اخبار المظاهرات المحدودة بالسودان يعتبر لفت انتباه للعالم بواسطة الفضائيات والاجهزة الاعلامية والتسويق (لعنف السلطة) وقسوتها فى قمع المتظاهرين لتحدث الادانات العالمية وتجى بيانات الشجب والاستنكار ذى البحصل هنا فى البورد للمسيرات بالخارج وغيرها لتقود السلطة للتعامل مع الحدث بردة فعل غاضبة . اسوة بثورات الربيع العربى
هى سياسة تحريك الشارع وتحريضوا بالقوة بواسطة المعارضة ...
يعفصك قطر
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Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: فدوى الشريف)
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Quote:
ياخضر نقل اخبار المظاهرات المحدودة بالسودان يعتبر لفت انتباه للعالم بواسطة الفضائيات والاجهزة الاعلامية والتسويق (لعنف السلطة) وقسوتها فى قمع المتظاهرين لتحدث الادانات العالمية وتجى بيانات الشجب والاستنكار ذى البحصل هنا فى البورد للمسيرات بالخارج وغيرها لتقود السلطة للتعامل مع الحدث بردة فعل غاضبة . اسوة بثورات الربيع العربى
هى سياسة تحريك الشارع وتحريضوا بالقوة بواسطة المعارضة ...
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دا مجتمع دولى يا موهومين
اعصابك ياكوتش
دى صحيفة القارديان .. ان شاء الله القارديا اليقدو ليها السرير
Comment is free
Change is in the air in Sudan
A new generation of activists use Facebook and Twitter, but arrests show promoting the message on the ground is harder
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Nesrine Malik
guardian.co.uk, Thursday 28 June 2012 16.54 BST
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President Omar al Bashir addresses Sudanese students in Khartoum on 24 June. Nine days of protests against high prices were no Arab Spring, he said. Photograph: Ebrahim Hamid/AFP/Getty Images
The latest wave of protests in Sudan are the most durable revolt against the regime since its ascent to power via a military coup in 1989. Although austerity measures announced by the government have been the catalyst for the demonstrations, the main motivating factor is frustration with a government that after 23 years still seems incapable of providing political and economic security to the people.
Omar al-Bashir recently declared that there was to be no Arab spring in the country, but the regime is clearly unnerved. The last few days have seen a crackdown on activists and journalists and reports of regular beatings and detentions of protesters.
We do not need to see millions on the streets of Khartoum before it can be acknowledged that a fundamental shift has already taken place. Change is in the air. What Sudanese politics has lacked over the past two decades has been an active non-partisan opposition that is not in the thrall of the old political elite. For too long the head of state has been either a military man or an ineffectual sectarian leader with more tribal support than political nous. We now see a new generation of activists who are organising themselves through Facebook and Twitter and not pledging allegiance to any ideology or leader.
One of the problems with this nascent movement, however, has been that a significant number of its members are abroad. It is much harder to promote the message on the ground, as several arrested activists can attest.
Historically, the international community and the media have focused primarily on Darfur, the conflict with the South, and recently the Nuba mountains, casting all politics in the country in racial and religious polarities. What seems to have been ignored is the everyday plight of millions of Sudanese living in poverty and lack of security in towns where there is no war or bombardment, just the grinding, extractive, power-fixated governance of the National Congress Party (NCP).
The end of the civil war and the secession of the south have been crucial in forcing a reflective moment in Sudan. It is clear that there is now a pressing need for a recalibration.
The NCP has brought Sudan to a crossroads of its own creation. It is bankrupt financially and besieged by rebel movements in different parts of the country, a legacy of the marginalisation of the peripheries. Forces of nature, like the age of those in power, and the youth of a new generation, are kicking in. The status quo is untenable.
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Sudan · Middle East and North Africa · Africa
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Sudan 'elbow-lickers' are turning Omar al Bashir's jibe against him
Khartoum protests against the fuel subsidy cuts now target panicky military regime that has begun arresting activists
Journalists arrested in Sudan crackdown
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/...sudan-durable-revolt
(عدل بواسطة خضر الطيب on 07-07-2012, 10:49 AM)
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Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: خضر الطيب)
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يكفي للتدليل على كذب اعلام السلطة وعدم صدقيته أنه لم يعرض ولا صورة واحدة للمظاهرات التي اندلعت في احياء عديدة بالعاصمة ومدن عديدة بالبلاد لم يعرض الاعلام الرسمي ولا صورة واحدة حتى لو ندد بها أو بين كيفانها هزيلة كما يدعي أو تتعامل معها اجهزة الامن. ويجيء أزلامه ليتحدثوا عن الخلل في بث العربية وغيرها ويشكك هؤلاء في حيادية هذه القنوات.
عن أي طعن في مهنية القنوات الفضائية العالمية تتحدثون بينما مهنية القنوات الرسمية السودانية والتجارية الخاصة الموالية تساوي صفراً كبيراًب صمتها المخزي التام. القنوات الرسمية لم تعرض قط ما جرى ويجري في بلادنا. كأنها قنوات لبلاد واق الواق.لقد غاب عن هذه القنوات أننا نعيش في عصر الموبايل والانترنيت واليوتيوب.
ما لكم يا محمد محمد خير كيف تحكمون؟فليستيقظ الشاعر فيك مرة أخرى كما استيقط لسنوات بعد الانتفاضة في أبريل قبل فوات الأوان.
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Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: Bushra Elfadil)
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Quote:
يا خضر الطيب لكن بتالغ
يعني عمك البكتب باسم فدوى الشريف في داعي تقطها ليه في حنانه؟!
اها يا مكن يكتب باسم فدوى الشريف
قلت لي (الشواذ) مالهم؟!
ما فضلت خيركم يا اسلامين!!
قال شاذ مثل عبد الرحمن الراشدي!!
يسلم الراشيد ويسلم كل من عرف الحق مثله
الشذوذ الحقيقي هو خيانة الشعب لمن أئتمنها!
لعنة الله عليكم.
ربنا يورينا فيكم يوم قريب!
وكوعت على قول خضر. |
سلام ام حازم
صاحبة البوست هربت من الردم دا
واهو بوست اتفتح لا دفعنا فيهو حق الايجار ولا حق الكهرباء
هذا هو حال ارزقية النظام الذين تعودوا على الهروب
وليست النائحة المأجوره كالنائحة الثكلى
مابنخليهم وراهم وراهم
وفى النهايه حينهاروا هم ونظامهم الفاسد
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Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: خضر الطيب)
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ياخضر
يهربوا لى شنو ويهربوا من منو ؟
القناة تبث اعلام عدائى للسودان فى القضايا السودانية ..
والمصادر التى اوردتها لاتختلف عن اعلام قناة العربية ذى احمد وحاج احمد
شكرا
ام حازم والراشد شبهينا واتلاقينا كلهم فى العداء سواء
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Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: فدوى الشريف)
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الاخت فدوى ..سلام
بالجد كوعت زي ما قالو
هذا اوان الانحياز للحق
الانقاذ فشلت ..########ت البلد
فاستفتو قلوبكم يا اولي الابصار وانظروا ما حق بجبابرة الامصار
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Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: معاذ حسن)
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هذا اوان الانحياز للحق
_
الحق ياهو تكرار لاخبار بايتة وتصوير للتظاهرات بانها احتجاجات مواطنين وهى فعليا محركة من مساجد بعينها ..مسجدين بس يامعاذ
والغريبة انوا حتى المراسل انصارى بيكبر فى كوم المظاهرات .
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Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: فدوى الشريف)
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بقيتو تستلوا بكلام محمد محمد خير الانتهازى المتملق ؟
والله حالتكم سعبه
امس الجمعه حتى القنوات الغربيه جابت الخبر بتاع المظاهره وكثير من الصحف الغربيه
كوعت يا امنجيه
تسلم ياخضر
محمد محمد خير ده كديسة منو حايم بين البيوت في كل بيت عندو اكل
الكنداكه سيري سيري الكنداكه
وبكره جايايكم ويالانقاذ شيلوا عيالكم
وثورة حتي النصر
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Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: فدوى الشريف)
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Quote:
ياخضر
يهربوا لى شنو ويهربوا من منو ؟
القناة تبث اعلام عدائى للسودان فى القضايا السودانية ..
والمصادر التى اوردتها لاتختلف عن اعلام قناة العربية ذى احمد وحاج احمد
شكرا
ام حازم والراشد شبهينا واتلاقينا كلهم فى العداء سواء |
الهروب من الحقيقه يافدوى
الهروب من الخزى والعار رغم انو نظامكم غاسل وشو بمرق ومابهمو العار الواقع فيهو
بس كويس انو بتكشفوا كذبكم قدام الناس والناس بتفهم .. استغفالكم للناس دا اكبر خطأ بترتكبوهو
وماعبيد المتعاطى عنكم ببعيد
نصيحه لوجه الله شوفوا ليكم مراقه
والله كوعت
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Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: فدوى الشريف)
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شكرا اختنا فدوى
ويا الناس البتخطرف
والناس البتحلم
والناس الموهومة
وينا انتفاضتكم مع الرجال؟
يلا نادوا الموتور الكبير الراشد يصحيها ليكم
انتفاضتكم هي الكوعت ونامت ونفست
عارفين ليه؟
لانها ضد ارادت الشعب
ولان من يقومون عليها ويحرضون عليها مجموعة من الحاقدين الموهومين الموتورين
شعبنا يحتقركم
شعبنا يكرهكم
وستظل قواتنا البساسلة "دايسة" عليكم بالبوت التقيل ال######ان
فرفرة مافي
مليتونا فقر
وقديتونا وهم
اسبوعين شابكننا كوعت وولعت
واه يا جماعة: بكرة في "جمعة" ولّ مافي؟
مريت على كل عناويين الصفحة الاولى وما لقيت لا حس لا خبر
خير ان شاء الله؟
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فدوى الشريف
خضر الطيب
Tragie Mustafa
Bushra Elfadil
معاذ حسن
قاسم المهداوى
الشفيع وراق عبد الرحمن
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست