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 Re: ناتسيوس ينتقد بشدّة وصف "الإبادة" ... وبرندرجاست يقول: أرقام ضحايا دارفور مبالغ ف (Re: Frankly)
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US Reaffirms Darfur Violence as Genocide
By David Gollust
Washington
18 June 2009
Displaced Darfuris (file photo)
The U.S. State Department reiterated Thursday that it still considers government-inspired violence against inhabitants of Sudan's western Darfur region as genocide. The Sudanese government had seized upon remarks by the Obama administration's special envoy for Sudan Scott Gration on Wednesday as suggesting that Darfur genocide did not occur.
The State Department says genocide has clearly taken place in Darfur, and it says an assertion Wednesday by Sudan envoy Gration that violence against civilians there is no longer coordinated does not contradict that assessment, first made by the United States in 2004.
The comments by Gration here Wednesday had drawn praise from a senior Sudanese Foreign Ministry official, Ali Youssef, who said the envoy's remarks meant there was no genocide at all and that Gration is better informed about the Darfur situation than other U.S. officials because he has visited the region.
But at a press briefing Thursday, Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs P.J. Crowley said there is no question that genocide has taken place in Darfur and that the United States continues to characterize the circumstances in the same way former Secretary of State Colin Powell did when he made that determination in 2004.
"I would say that clearly, going back first to former Secretary of State Colin Powell and up to the present day, involving the President, the Secretary (of State) and others, we have made clear: clearly a genocide happened in Darfur, and we can say just as clearly that the situation in Darfur remains dire, and we are working as hard as we can, as Scott said yesterday, to restore the humanitarian capacity and help deal with that situation," he said.
Crowley said he did not find the Sudanese official's interpretation of the Gration remarks particularly credible.
Gration, a Swahili-speaking retired U.S. Air Force general, told reporters Wednesday that recent violence in Darfur was mainly between Sudanese government and rebel forces, and between Sudanese and Chadian factions. He said government-backed Jinjaweed militiamen and warlords, the main perpetrators of past killings, still conduct what he termed terrorist attacks on Darfur civilians, but not in the coordinated fashion of past years.
"What we see is the remnants of genocide. What we see are the consequences of genocide. The results of genocide. We still have thousands of people living in camps as IDP's (internally-displaced persons). We have women who are still afraid to go out and collect firewood. And we have children who are not having the benefits of growing up in their homeland, but are growing up in these camps. So what we need to do focus on the people. We need to correct the situation." Gration said.
Gration, who has held the Sudan envoy post since March and just completed his third overseas trip in that role, said the need now is for a Darfur cease-fire and a political process so that displaced persons can have the right to return voluntarily to their homes.
The United Nations says the Darfur conflict, which erupted in 2003, has killed as many as 300-thousand people and displaced nearly three million.
Despite the genocide determination, the United States maintains diplomatic relations with Sudan and is hosting a Sudanese delegation next week for a multi-lateral conference aimed at supporting implementation of Sudan's 2005 north-south comprehensive peace accord
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http://www.voanews.com/english/2009-06-18-voa64.cfm
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Re: ناتسيوس ينتقد بشدّة وصف "الإبادة" ... وبرندرجاست يقول: أرقام ضحايا دارفور مبالغ ف (Re: Mannan)
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فرانكلي .... هذا رد لمثلك و ناتسيوس و قريشن ..... من ناس كفاية ... ناس جون برندرقاست .... لأنهم شبعوا تلفيقات زي حقتك دي..
ماركة أس أم سي .... أها .. أقرأ :
Pretzel Logic
Posted by John Norris on Jun 23, 2009
A whopper of an op-ed by Andrew Natsios today, criticizing the Obama administration on Sudan. It is hard to know where to start. Perhaps the most egregious argument by Natsios is that:
U.S. use of the term "genocide" is reducing our diplomatic options. In the face of genocide, the United States could hardly act as a neutral mediator. No politician wants to explain why he or she remained complacent in the face of slaughter.
Hmmm. Perhaps Mr. Natsios, from his perch at Georgetown, has been having a bit of trouble recalling his own involvement on Sudan. The president under whom he served, George Bush, declared Darfur a genocide on June 2, 2005, yet both Natsios and Bush remained largely complacent despite this declaration, and the Bush administration – acting as a “neutral mediator” – was very heavily involved in the disastrous Darfur Peace Agreement signed on May 5, 2006 with U.S. representatives to the talks strong-arming rebel groups to accept the deal.
There is also something morally repugnant about Natsios and others who argue essentially, “Ok, the genocide is over now, let’s move along.” They make it seem as if the only problem with genocide is the social awkwardness it creates for diplomats rather than the immense suffering inflicted on innocent civilians or the need to secure lasting justice.
Yes, the death rates in Darfur have slowed dramatically from their peak in 2003 and 2004, but that is in part because the government of Sudan and the Janjaweed succeeded in killing hundreds of thousands and driving millions from their home – unable to return to this day. While far fewer people die today because of guns and bombs, how many lives are cut short because these millions of people are trapped in squalid refugee and IDP camps?
Natsios also takes a quote by my colleague John Prendergast out of context. John, at a public lecture, had simply noted that arriving at accurate figures of the dead was incredibly difficult because the government of Sudan has made such essential fact finding almost impossible. Natsios uses this to make a case that deaths in Darfur are only around 250,000 in total and that “wild estimates are compromising American diplomacy.” Again, Natsios doesn’t see the killings as the root problem, or the fact that aid agencies and mortality experts can’t operate on the ground as the problem, rather that all this is making it hard for diplomats. The number of those who have died is complex and confusing, but it is far too many by any estimation. For more on this, see the new book, Darfur and the Crime of Genocide, by John Hagan and Wenona Rymond-Richmond, drawn from interviews with more than 1,000 Darfuris, that suggests that about 400,000 Sudanese have been killed.
The op-ed also rather oddly criticizes the Obama administration for focusing on Darfur at the cost of the North-South issue on the same day the administration is convening a high-level conference in Washington, D.C., on the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. We have not been shy in criticizing the approach of the administration when it deserves it, but Natsios criticizing Obama's approach to Sudan is akin to Don Rumsfeld coming out of retirement complaining that the administration is handling Iraq poorly.
Natsios also laments that the pesky genocide issue is making it hard for U.S. diplomats to meet directly with Bashir, asking, “How do you mediate a peace agreement if you can't speak to one side's leader?” One doesn’t have to go far back to find the answer. In 1999, the United States reached a peace agreement during the middle of the Kosovo war with President Slobodan Milosevic, who was facing a war crimes indictment at that time. No U.S. diplomats met directly with Milosevic during the lengthy negotiations to resolve the conflict once the indictment was announced, and negotiations were handled through a very skilled set of proxies. Such a basic failure to understand the mechanics of diplomacy goes a long way in helping explain why Natsios’ tenures as both Special Envoy to Sudan and USAID administrator were so often marked by failure.
Photo: Former U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan Andrew Natsios
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Re: ناتسيوس ينتقد بشدّة وصف "الإبادة" ... وبرندرجاست يقول: أرقام ضحايا دارفور مبالغ ف (Re: Kostawi)
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Quote:
Obama, Adrift on Sudan, by Andrew S. Natsios (Sudan embassy)
Thirty Sudanese political leaders will meet in Washington today with 170 observers from 32 countries and international organizations, as well as four African former prime ministers, to confront the issues that are slowly pushing Sudan over a cliff.
The United States ought to be in a commanding position to mediate in these negotiations, as it did in the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement that ended 22 years of civil war between Sudan's North and South. But disputes within the Obama administration are inhibiting U.S. efforts to stop Sudan's slide toward civil war at a time when unified American leadership is essential.
First, let's consider the situation. Some policymakers continue to call Darfur an ongoing "genocide," but in fact, the conflict has descended into anarchy. "Darfur today is a conflict of all against all," Rodolphe Adada, the joint African Union-United Nations special representative, told the U.N. Security Council in April. Between Jan. 1, 2008, and March 31, 2009, he found some 2,000 fatalities from violence, one third of them civilian. The death of some 700 innocent civilians over a 15-month period, while morally repugnant, is not genocide. It is a low-level insurgency. More civilians died in southern Sudan during the past six months than in Darfur over the past 15 months. Despite such facts and extensive U.N. Security Office reports showing that genocide is not an accurate description, President Obama continues to use that weighted term.
Advocacy groups motivate their financial supporters and volunteers by associating today's low-level insurgency with the Sudanese government's massive atrocities of 2003 and 2004. This amounts to leading supporters through a time warp. Evidence shows that the deaths are less than half the 500,000 that is often cited, and that 96 percent of deaths took place during the first two years of the conflict. John Prendergast, co-founder of the Enough campaign to end crimes against humanity, said recently, "Most of these figures are wild estimates. They are simply crazily wild estimates." Well, such wild estimates are compromising American diplomacy.
The Obama administration should consider reducing sanctions on Sudan only in exchange for concrete Northern government concessions on critical issues. The North, of course, has a mixed history in carrying out its commitments, but its cooperation is key to securing peace. Yet U.S. use of the term "genocide" is reducing our diplomatic options. In the face of genocide, the United States could hardly act as a neutral mediator. No politician wants to explain why he or she remained complacent in the face of slaughter.
What Sudan needs is a set of political deals to stitch the country back together before the state collapses. Advocacy groups that claim continuing genocide are under assault by respected scholars of Africa, such as Mahmood Mamdani and Alex de Waal, and they are retreating from their insistence during the Bush administration on military intervention in Darfur. But while many now claim to support a negotiated political settlement, they simultaneously undermine efforts to talk.
In addition, the overuse use of a term such as genocide risks anesthetizing the American public and media; if the Sudanese government does one day unleash new atrocities on southern Sudan, no one will be listening.
The administration is focused more on a dated view of Darfur than on the risks of future atrocities that are likely to come from a new war between the North and South. Two events required under the 2005 peace agreement -- national multiparty elections to be held in February 2010 and a referendum the following year on the secession of southern Sudan -- will determine whether Sudan constructively addresses its internal political problems or descends into Somalia-like anarchy or Rwanda-scale atrocities. The risk of war rises exponentially without resolution of these issues: the status of oil-rich Abyei, preparation for the referendum on southern secession, and, after the referendum, the disposition of revenue from oil production (most of which is in southern Sudan, while the pipelines go through the North) between the North and South.
Using the term "genocide" feeds the International Criminal Court's indictment of President Omar Hassan al-Bashir -- which has made meeting with him politically explosive. Some advocates insist that no American diplomat talk with him. How do you mediate a peace agreement if you can't speak to one side's leader? At this crucial moment, the long-suffering Sudanese people need unified American leadership behind a pragmatic policy of engagement. Instead, they have campaign rhetoric and diplomatic paralysis. We, and they, are headed toward disaster if we do not change course.
The writer, a professor of diplomacy in Georgetown University's Walsh School of Foreign Service, was special envoy to Sudan from 2006 to 2007 and served as administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development from 2001 to 2005.
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Source: ISRIA, Sudan Embassy to US & Washington Post
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Re: ناتسيوس ينتقد بشدّة وصف "الإبادة" ... وبرندرجاست يقول: أرقام ضحايا دارفور مبالغ ف (Re: Frankly)
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طبعا يا فرانكلي ... مستعجل .. حتي لا قريت المقال و لا إستمعت للناس بأصواتهم ..
المهم .. لأني عارفك حتجيب التلفيق الكتبو ناتسيوس عن كلام جون برندرجاست ... ناس كفاية كان ردهم تحديدا علي الجزئية التي أنت أوردتها .... عشان يحسموك و معاك ناتسيوس بتاعك ده ... بس رجاءا ... إقرأ .... إقرأ يا بتاع كوبي آند بيست :
Quote:
Natsios also takes a quote by my colleague John Prendergast out of context. John, at a public lecture, had simply noted that arriving at accurate figures of the dead was incredibly difficult because the government of Sudan has made such essential fact finding almost impossible. Natsios uses this to make a case that deaths in Darfur are only around 250,000 in total and that “wild estimates are compromising American diplomacy.” Again, Natsios doesn’t see the killings as the root problem, or the fact that aid agencies and mortality experts can’t operate on the ground as the problem, rather that all this is making it hard for diplomats. The number of those who have died is complex and confusing, but it is far too many by any estimation. For more on this, see the new book, Darfur and the Crime of Genocide, by John Hagan and Wenona Rymond-Richmond, drawn from interviews with more than 1,000 Darfuris, that suggests that about 400,000 Sudanese have been killed.
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بالله بالمهلة .. أقرأ الكلام الفوق ده ... و تمعن فيهو كويس ... أوكي يا مستر كوبي آند بيست ؟؟!!
ء
(عدل بواسطة Mohamed Suleiman on 06-26-2009, 04:25 AM)
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Re: ناتسيوس ينتقد بشدّة وصف "الإبادة" ... وبرندرجاست يقول: أرقام ضحايا دارفور مبالغ ف (Re: Mohamed Suleiman)
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أمشي كمان حرّف الخبر ده:
ICC prosecutor wins right to appeal dropping genocide charges against Sudan’s Bashir
Friday 26 June 2009 06:00.
June 25, 2009 (WASHINGTON) – The judges of the International Criminal Court (ICC) granted the prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo his request to appeal their decision of scrapping genocide charges in the arrest warrant issued for Sudanese president Omer Hassan Al-Bashir.
Last year Ocampo asked the Pre-Trial Chamber I to issue an arrest warrant for Bashir on 10 charges: three counts of genocide, five of crimes against humanity and two of murder.
Ocampo accused Al-Bashir of masterminding a campaign to get rid of the African tribes in Darfur; Fur, Masalit and Zaghawa.
However, on March 4th the majority at the Chamber (2 out of the 3 judges) decided that the evidence presented by the prosecutor does not meet the threshold required by Genocide convention and Rome Statue to establish that the gravest crime has been committed in Darfur.
A week later, the prosecutor asked the judges to grant him a “Leave to appeal” the scrapping of the genocide charges from the warrant. He raised three issues within the judges’ decision that he wants to appeal.
Under the Rome Statute, the procedure is the a step before the actual appeal process and the party requesting it must prove that the decision they wish to challenge “involves an issue that would significantly affect the fair and expeditious conduct of the proceedings or the outcome of the trial”.
The prosecutor central argument is that the Rome Statute only requires the judges to affirm that there is “reasonable evidence” that an individual committed a certain crime for the issuance if an arrest warrant.
He suggests that the judges applied a higher threshold of evidentiary proof than required at this stage of the proceedings.
The other two grounds per the prosecutor’s application is “whether the majority considered specific extraneous factors in assessing the existence of reasonable grounds to establish genocidal intent” and “whether the Majority failed to consider both separately and collectively specific critical factors in assessing the existence of reasonable grounds to establish genocidal intent”.
However, the Pre-Trial Chamber ruled that only the issue of evidentiary threshold in examining the genocide charges put forward by the prosecutor is appealable.
The Judges said in their decision that the other two grounds “consist of a mere disagreement with the Majority’s assessment of the evidence submitted by the Prosecutor to support his genocide-related allegations and, therefore, neither constitutes an "issue" as defined by the Appeals Chamber”.
Based on today’s decision the ICC prosecutor can now proceed to the five-member appeals chamber to seek addition of genocide charges to Bashir’s arrest warrant based on his interpretation of the “reasonable evidence” threshold in the Rome Statute.
The appeal chamber includes Judges’ Akua Kuenyehia from Ghana and Anita Usacka from Latvia who were part of Pre-Trial Chamber I that decided on the case against the Sudanese president.
Judge Usacka was the only one judge in the chamber to dissent from her peers decision to drop genocide charges against Bashir.
The genocide label has been a hotly debated subject among legal experts and human right advocates on Darfur.
A commission of inquiry established by the UN Security Council (UNSC) in 2004 said that it found no evidence of genocide in Darfur but stated that in some instances “individuals, including Government officials, may commit acts with genocidal intent… a determination that only a competent court can make on a case by case basis”.
The US has been the only country to label the Darfur conflict as genocide in 2004 by Secretary of State Collin Powell though some US officials later were reluctant to continue using the term including former US special envoy to Sudan Andrew Natsios.
Last week Obama’s special envoy to Sudan Scott Gration appeared to downplay the issue saying that Darfur is experiencing only “remnants of genocide”.
A day later the US state department stated that it “continues to characterize the circumstances in Darfur as genocide”.
UN officials say as many as 300,000 people have died and more than 2.7 million driven from their homes since 2003.
(ST)
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Re: ناتسيوس ينتقد بشدّة وصف "الإبادة" ... وبرندرجاست يقول: أرقام ضحايا دارفور مبالغ ف (Re: Frankly)
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روني براومان، الرئيس السابق لمنظمة أطباء بلا حدود في فرنسا
صورة فرانك رينوت - إذاعة هولندا العالمية
موقع الكارثة
إبادة جماعية، بعشرات الآلاف من الأبرياء الذين حكم عليهم بالموت. لكن هذا ليس صحيحا تماما كما يقول براومان، الذي يجول العالم منذ السبعينيات، متنقلا من بين مواقع الكوارث، والذي ترأس منظمة أطباء بلا حدود في فرنسا، لمدة اثني عشر عاما.
عدد القتلى الذين يسقطون الآن في دارفور، الذين يسقطون قتلى الآن في دارفور عدد ضئيل جدا بمقارنة بعدد الضحايا الذين سقطوا في العامين 2003 و2004، كما أن القتلى الآن، هم في الغالب مقاتلون مسلحون وليسوا مدنيين.
والى جانب ذلك، يعمل الآن في السودان وجارتها تشاد آلاف من موظفي وعاملي الإغاثة الدولية، الذين يؤدون عملهم على أحسن وجه، حسب ما يقوله براومان الذي زار دار فور في الصيف الماضي.
لماذا إذن تلك الصورة المشوهة؟
المشكل هو أن تعبئة الرأي العام لا يتم بغرض تعريفه على الأوضاع في دار فور بل بغرض التدخل الفعلي في ذلك الإقليم، لذلك ذهبت منظمة آرك دو زوي الفرنسية إلى تشاد لنقل 103 طفل من دارفور.
عن بوست:
الإعلام الغربي يشوه صورة الوضع في دارفور فالوضع فيه ليس بتلك الفظاعة
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Re: ناتسيوس ينتقد بشدّة وصف "الإبادة" ... وبرندرجاست يقول: أرقام ضحايا دارفور مبالغ ف (Re: Frankly)
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ناتسيوس: حجم الدعم للجماعات الضغط ضد الحكومة السودانية ينحسر بمرور الزمن
الخرطوم : وكالات
قال ناتسيوس المبعوث الأمريكي الخاص الأسبق للسودان بانه يتوجب علي الولايات المتحدة ان تأخذ زمام القيادة والمبادرة للتوسط في المباحثات كما فعلت في العام 2005 عند اتفاقية السلام الشاملة
الا ان ناتسيوس المح الي ان هناك خلافات داخل الادارة الامريكية تعيق جهود الولايات المتحدة فى هذا الصدد. واضاف ناتسيوس فى مقال بصحيفة الواشنطن بوست الواسعة الانتشار والتأثير ان مخططي السياسة الامريكية مايزالون يصفون ما يحدث في دارفور بانه ابادة بينما ان الحقيقة تشير الي ان النزاع قد انحسر مستشهدا بما قاله رودلف ادادا الوسيط المشترك بان ما يحدث فى دارفور يعد نزاعا ضد الجميع
واضاف ناتسيوس انه وبرغم تلك الحقائق الساطعة والتقارير المكثفة لمكتب الأمن التابع للامم المتحدة التي توضح بان الابادة وصف غير دقيق فان جزءا من الادارة الامريكية ما يزال يستخدم هذا الاتهام الجائر. واستطرد ناتسيوس قائلا بان الجماعات الناشطة تستجدي مناصيرها ومؤيديها بربط ما يحدث اليوم من مستوى للتمرد ضد الحكومة السودانية بانه انتهاكات واسعة
مضيفا ان حجم الدعم لهذه الجماعات الناشطة قد ينحسر بمرور الزمن وان الادلة ابرزت بان عدد القتلى اقل مما يروج له بشكل راتب وان 96% من القتلى قد حدث في العامين الاولين للنزاع
وان جون برندر قاست مؤسس حملة كفاية قال مؤخرا بان معظم الارقام مضخمة بشكل كبير وجنوني وعلق ناتسيوس ساخرا بان مثل هذه الارقام المضخمة لن تكون مجالا للتوفيق في الدبلوماسية الامريكية. وكان أندرو ناتسيوس المبعوث الأمريكي الخاص الأسبق للسودان قد نشر مقالا بصحيفة الواشنطن بوست الواسعة الانتشار والتأثير متزامنا مع عقد مؤتمر منبر داعمي اتفاقية السلام الشاملة بواشنطون وهو المنبر الذي تشارك فيه 33 دولة و160 مراقبا من المجتمع الدولي والمنظمات الدولية ويهدف المنبر لبحث ومناقشة القضايا التي تواجه انفاذ الاتفاقية.
عن SMC
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Re: ناتسيوس ينتقد بشدّة وصف "الإبادة" ... وبرندرجاست يقول: أرقام ضحايا دارفور مبالغ ف (Re: Frankly)
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أنا زول سوداني وبحِب السودان وكلام الرَيِس عُمر البشير عِندي عُمدة وسند قوي
الخواجات ديل عِندهُم مصالِح ظاهرة وباطنة وخباثات ومُكايدات وبعدين هُم بره
المِله ... عُمر البشير مِنا وفينا ومُسلِم و< المؤمِن صِديق > أنا ما حأعتمِد
أي معلومات غير القالا عُمر البشير < بِعضمه لِسانو > والأكد عليها الخِطاب
الرسمي < عدد القتلى في دارفور عشرة ألف إنسان > بس ... خلونا في الرقم
ده وما نِتجاوزو خلونا في الـ000ر10 روح دي طَيِب تعالو نحاكِمُم بِالشرع
ونشوف الله قال شنو فوق الزول البِيقتُل < واحِد فرد مُسلِم > الله قال في قُرآنو
< مَن قَتَلَ نَفْسًا بِغَيْرِ نَفْسٍ أَوْ فَسَادٍ فِي الأَرْضِ فَكَأَنَّمَا قَتَلَ النَّاسَ جَمِيعًا وَمَنْ
أَحْيَاهَا فَكَأَنَّمَا أَحْيَا النَّاسَ جَمِيعًا> المائِدة 32 العشرة ألف المقتولين ديل
ما عساكِر ... ديل مدنِيين في القُرى كانو آمِنين ... ديل أطفال رُضع ونِساء
وذوات خِدور وعجايِز ... يا ناس البِغطي على قاتِل بِكون شريكو في الجريمة
وحِسابو في القانون الوضعي ويوم القِيامة واحِد زيو زي القاتِل ... حقو
تعمِلو حِسابكُم شوية ... مُمكِن نختلِف في قِيام سد أو كُبري أو تهميش أو ...
أو ... أو ... لكِن القتل ما عِندي إلا حاجة مِن الإتنين يا قاتِل يا برئ
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Re: ناتسيوس ينتقد بشدّة وصف "الإبادة" ... وبرندرجاست يقول: أرقام ضحايا دارفور مبالغ ف (Re: عزام حسن فرح)
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حسب كلام البشير العشرة ألف هم ضحايا النزاع من الجانبين - أو إن شئت قلت من كل الأطراف المتنازعة - فالمسؤولية تقع على عاتق كل من حمل السلاح سواء كان من المتمرّدين أو المليشيات التي تدعم الحكومة أو الجيش السوداني.
فكل التقارير تشير إلى انتهاك كل الأطراف جرائم حرب في ظل هذا الصراع
ما يجب أن يسعى إليه كل حادب على مصلحة أهلنا في دارفور هو التسريع بإحلال السلام باي ثمن كان وتحت أي ظرف كان فالسلام واستقرار حالة أهلنا في دارفور وعودتهم لقراهم لا يقدّر بثمن
فطول أمد معناة أهلنا في الخيام لا تخدم قضيتهم ولا تخفف من معاناتهم وماسيهم
في ظل السلام يجب أن يعمل على تحقيق العدل بصورة تعطي كل ذي حق حقّه ويدان فيها من ارتكبوا جرائم حرب مناي طرف كانوا في محاكمات سودانية شفافة ونزيهة ومشهودة
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Re: ناتسيوس ينتقد بشدّة وصف "الإبادة" ... وبرندرجاست يقول: أرقام ضحايا دارفور مبالغ ف (Re: Frankly)
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أخي فرانكي
سلام على روحك الطيبة
الإدارات الأمريكية أياً كانت ديمقراطية أو جمهورية تكيل بمكيالين والدليل في موت الفتاة الإيرانية أثر الإضرابات الأخيرة كل أبواق الغرب الإعلامية بدأت بالعزف ضد إيران .. ونحن ضد موت أي روح بشرية بريئة ولكن أليس من العجيب أن تصمت أمريكا والغرب حينما تغتال إسرائيل فتاة أمريكية من دعاة السلام لمجرد أنها خرجت في مظاهرة مطالبةبالسلام للفاسطنيين ، إغتيلت بدم بارد فلم نسمع حتى مجرد إحتجاج لا من أمريكا والغرب قاطبة ضد ما فعلته إسرائل!!
ناتسيوس مجرد مثل ولكن ما رأيك بكولن باول الذي قال نفس الكلام ولكنه لما عاد إلى واشنطن ( لحس) كلامه .. ما رأيك بما قاله مبعوث الرئيس أوما ؛ الجنراك غرايشن مؤخراً والذي لا يخرج عن تصريح ناتسيوس ولكن بعده خرجت الخارجية الأمريكية تزعم العكس!!.. في وقت تواجد الدكتور غازي صلاح الدين في واشنطن بطلب من الإدارة الأمريكية لمواصلة الحوار الذي بدأ في الخرطوم!!
ماذا تقول أخي في هكذا تناقضات؟!
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Frankly
Kostawi
تبارك شيخ الدين جبريل
Mannan
Mohamed Suleiman
العبيد الطيب عبدالقادر
عزام حسن فرح
Deng
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست