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 العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ...
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العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية
GMT 20:15:00 2007 الثلائاء 5 يونيو
أ. ف. ب.
نيويورك: اعلنت منظمة العفو الدولية انها لجأت الى تكنولوجيا الاقمار الاصطناعية لمراقبة منطقة دارفور السودانية التي تشهد اعمال عنف دامية منذ اربع سنوات لمحاولة منع هجمات ضد المدنيين في المستقبل.
واعلن الفرع الاميركي لمنظمة العفو الدولية انها المرة الاولى التي تستخدم فيها منظمة للدفاع عن حقوق الانسان هذه التكنولوجيا لرصد اهداف هجمات محتملة ومنع ارتكاب فظاعات في المستقبل ومحاولة انقاذ ارواح. ودعت منظمة العفو سكان العالم اجمع الى المساعدة على حماية 12 قرية تعتبر انها قد تستهدف بهجمات ميليشيات الجنجويد الموالية للحكومة عبر مراقبة الصور على موقع "عيون على دارفور" على الانترنت.
واوضح لاري كوكس المدير التنفيذي للقسم الاميركي لمنظمة العفو ان المجموعة تريد من خلال ذلك ان تثبت للرئيس السوداني عمر البشير ان العالم يراقب الوضع عن كثب وحثه على قبول قوة حفظ سلام مشتركة بين الامم المتحدة والاتحاد الافريقي.
وقال كوكس في بيان ان "دارفور بحاجة لجنود حفظ السلام لوقف اعمال القتل. نستفيد من تكنولوجيا الاقمار الاصطناعية لنقول للرئيس البشير اننا نراقب بانتباه للكشف عن اي انتهاك جديد" لحقوق الانسان. وقال لارس بروملي من المؤسسة الاميركية للتقدم التكنولوجي الذي قدم النصيحة لمنظمة العفو لاعتماد هذا النظام انه يمكن من خلال ذلك رؤية اكواخ مدمرة وحشودات جنود او لاجئين فارين.
ورأت ارييلا بلاتر مديرة مركز تفادي الازمات في فرع منظمة العفو الاميركي ان هذه الصور التي ستكون متوافرة بعد ايام على التقاطها قد تستخدم في اطار ملاحقات قضائية. واوقع النزاع اكثر من 200 الف قتيل وتسبب بنزوح مليوني شخص بحسب الامم المتحدة. لكن السودان يعتبر ان هذه الارقام مبالغ بها.
http://www.elaph.com/ElaphWeb/Politics/2007/6/238708.htm
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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قري في دائرة الخطر "
سيلية
Quote: Silea:
The village of Silea in north-western Darfur is the seat of the Sultan of the Erenga tribe. The Erenga are a non-Arab tribe which has attempted to steer a neutral line between the government of Sudan and the rebel movements who launched an insurgency in 2003 to demand an end to government support for proxy Arab militias and to press demands for greater wealth- and power-sharing in the region.
Insecurity in north-western Darfur increased dramatically in the second half of 2006 as relations between Sudan and Chad deteriorated over support for each other's internal dissidents and Arab militiamen reportedly armed by the Sudan government launched a spate of attacks on non-Arab villages close to the border. Villagers displaced by the attacks said the assailants deliberately targeted children and the elderly.
In one such attack, at least 37 people were killed and 10 injured in December 2006 when Janjawid on horseback attacked a truck carrying passengers and medical supplies. The truck was travelling from Geneina, capital of West Darfur state, to the village of Sirba some 12 miles south of Silea. The Janjawid shot the truck driver dead before firing a rocket-propelled grenade at the truck, setting fire to fuel barrels inside. Many of the deaths came when the Janjawid opened fire on people as they fled.
A member of the African Union Mission in Sudan, Maj. Harry Soko, told the UN refugee agency UNHCR that security in the border area had been hurt by the presence of rebel groups and an intensification of Janjawid activity.
"Arab militias believed to be employed by the GoS (government of Sudan) ...roam freely in our area of responsibility, threatening and killing anybody against the interests of the government," Maj. Soko told Antonio Guterres, the visiting High Commissioner for Refugees. He said the militias were believed to be behind many crimes, ranging from banditry to rape. An AU police commander later told the same briefing that Sudanese police were not arresting these perpetrators.
Silea, on the main road north out of Geneina, is key to the control of the Erenga area which borders Chad, as it could provide a base for future cross-border attacks into Chad. In recent months, Silea's usual population of some 400-500 households has been swelled by displaced people fleeing from attacks on smaller villages accused by the Arab militias of being sympathetic to the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA)-one of the main Darfur rebel groups. |
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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سرف جداد - غرب دارفور
Quote: Saraf Jidad:
Saraf Jidad, a small village less than 20 miles from Darfur's border with Chad, is in the eye of several conflicts: the war between the government of Chad and Darfur-based Chadian rebels reportedly supported by the government of Sudan; the war between Khartoum and the Darfur rebel movements, and a long-standing resource conflict between settled farmers and nomadic herders that has been exacerbated by rebellion.
The village has not been attacked in the last year, but insecurity is increasing and local people fear the worst.
The population of Saraf Jidad is predominantly Erenga, a minority non-Arab tribe settled in and north of Geneina, capital of West Darfur state. The Erenga have attempted to remain neutral in the Darfur war despite being surrounded by Arab tribes which have, for the most part, aligned themselves with Khartoum. Insecurity in Erenga areas has increased in the last year as both sides in the conflict have attempted to claim the tribe's allegiance.
Saraf Jidad is especially vulnerable because of its proximity to three armed Arab camps - Rijel Kubri, Sawani and Jabal India. All are within 15 miles of Saraf Jidad, on its southern side. All were established after 2003, when the government of Sudan began arming proxy militias, the Janjawid, to fight against rebels who are demanding a greater share of political and economic power in Darfur and an end to government support for these Arab militias.
The school of Saraf Jidad closed in December 2006 after teachers left the village because of insecurity. UN officials in Geneina, the capital of West Darfur state, have received many reports of the rape and abduction of women, robbery and livestock theft. The policemen in Saraf Jidad are themselves Erenga and have a good relationship with the community. However, they are unable to respond to incidents because they are inexperienced, few in number and have no means of transport. They themselves have come under attack.
The 2,000-odd inhabitants of Saraf Jidad live off small income-generating activities that local insecurity has complicated and curtailed: charcoal production, cultivation, and the collection of grass, straw and firewood. In the last year, relations between the Erenga and their Arab neighbors have been strained by war, increasing pressure on grazing land because of the disruption of animal migration routes, and the Erenga's efforts to protect themselves and their villages by remaining neutral. |
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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بير دقيق - غرب دارفور
Bir Dagig:
Freedom of movement in the small village of Bir Dagig in north-western Darfur is severely restricted by growing insecurity all around. Men only leave Bir Dagig to attend market day in a neighboring village and even then they travel at night. Women leave to fetch water and firewood in early morning and late at night, but still suffer harassment and beatings from armed Arab militias encountered on the way.
The population of Bir Dagig is wholly Erenga, a minority non-Arab tribe in north-western Darfur whose people live north of Geneina, capital of West Darfur state. The Erenga have attempted to remain neutral in the Darfur war despite being settled in small villages surrounded by Arab tribes which have, for the most part, aligned themselves with the government of Sudan.
Insecurity has increased in the last year as both sides in the conflict have attempted to claim the allegiance of the Erenga. A number of Erenga villages like Kuta and Orteg north of Bir Dagig have been abandoned even though they have not been destroyed.
There are two major Arab camps in the vicinity of Bir Dagig - one in Wadi Ardeb to the east, and another in Dressa an hour's walk to the north-west. Arabs in the area were armed by the government at the beginning of the conflict in 2003-2004, when Khartoum activated proxy militias to fight an insurgency spearheaded by non-Arab tribes who were demanding greater political and economic power in Darfur.
A reconciliation committee created in January 2007 to calm the situation is no longer active - because of constant violations by the Arabs, according to UN officials.
Because of the insecurity in the area and the restrictions on movement, no families have left Bir Dagig in the last year and the population remains stable, hovering around the 1,000 mark. The village school has been closed since January because there are no teachers. Villagers now cultivate only a few vegetables close to the village - onions, okra and tomatoes, depending on the season - and are no longer able to produce enough food to meet their needs. They say that during the last food distribution in Bir Dagig they were forced, under threat, to give part of their rations to local Arab leaders.
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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هبيلة - غرب دارفور
Habile:
In August 2006, the United Nations refugee agency, UNHCR, moved Chadians driven out of their homes by the violence in south-eastern Chad away from the Goz Amir refugee camp, where they were staying in hope of receiving relief, to a new site at Habile - approximately 60 miles west of the border with Darfur.
The land was allocated to the displaced by the Chad government, but the move was organized by UNHCR. Most of the displaced walked the five miles between Goz Amir and Habile without assistance. Only the most vulnerable - the very old, very young and sick - had the benefit of transport. UN officials were surprised at the way the displaced settled into the new site even though they could see, right next to the site, a village that had been attacked and burned to the ground.
Today, however, the Habile displaced are beginning to leave the camp and move further inland, away from the border - fearful that the violence that is spreading across south-eastern Chad will soon target sites like theirs.
Already insecurity is nibbling the edges of the camp. UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador Mia Farrow visited the camp early in 2007 and spoke to three women who had been attacked in the surrounding fields at harvest-time. They told her they were now afraid to go into the fields to gather wood.
The displaced population of Habile today hovers around 10,000 – far higher than UNHCR ever imagined, even as a worst-case scenario.
"None of us envisaged that Habile would become the massive site it is now," said Matthew Conway, UNHCR Public Information officer in eastern Chad. "We envisaged, at most, two to three thousand people."
Size is not, however, the greatest problem confronting the relief officials who are trying to aid the Habile displaced. Security is.
After an attack on the villages of Tiero and Marena claimed more than 200 lives in March 2007, the Chadian government deployed large numbers of armed forces to the south-east of the country. Three weeks later, the forces were moved north towards Ade and Adre, two border towns thought to be threatened by Darfur-based Chadian rebels seeking to overthrow the government of President Idriss Deby. Behind them they left a security vacuum.
"We are very concerned about the population (in the Habile area) being left vulnerable once again," the UNHCR's Conway, said at the end of April 2007. "Three weeks after a massacre, a massive deployment fell by the wayside and people were left to their own devices again. We are very concerned. We feel it is only a matter of time before sites like Habile come under fire."
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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بلدونق - غرب دارفور
Boldong:
Before the Darfur conflict, the village of Boldong on the southern slope of the Jebel Marra mountains was the center of a profitable state-run logging operation. The business collapsed in 2002 when government troops and the Janjawid proxy militias launched air and ground attacks on and around the mountains, where members of the Fur and Zaghawa tribes were already organizing the insurgency that burst into the world's headlines in 2003.
Boldong and most of the surrounding villages were attacked, burned and depopulated as the government armed and unleashed the Janjawid against tribes accused of supporting the rebels - among them, the Fur of Jebel Marra. Boldong has since been rebuilt and resettled, and is controlled today by the rebels of the Sudan Liberation Army.
Jebel Marra was the site of the first Darfur conflict in 1987-1989 as Arab herders sought to conquer fresh pastureland for their animals in the wake of a drought that killed 100,000 people in North Darfur. Before the conflict, herders had been allowed into Jebel Marra after the harvest was collected and stayed there until the first rains. Some even looked after the Fur's livestock. Peaceful ethnic and tribal interaction was common, but drought undermined the spirit of cooperation and the conflict marked the start of a drive by nomads to occupy land in Jebel Marra.
Jebel Marra is among the most fertile agricultural land in Darfur. Before the conflict, it was also rich in forestry resources. Many Fur believe the government plans to recapture Boldong, which lies close to the road between Nertiti and Nyala, with the goal of reviving the logging industry once "security" is restored in Darfur. Establishing a foothold on the edge of the mountains would also open the way for the Janjawid to acquire new land - both for themselves and their animals.
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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حوش الملم - شمال دارفور
Malam
In May 2006, barely three weeks after the Darfur rebel leader Minni Minawi signed the Darfur Peace Agreement with the government of Sudan, Minawi's faction of the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) occupied the village of Malam al Hosh in North Darfur and collected a force of 37 vehicles there in an attempt to wrest control of the area from commanders of the Sudan Liberation Army who had refused to endorse the DPA.
Minawi's men, accused of abusive behavior across Darfur, were driven out within 24 hours of entering Malam al Hosh. The SLA commanders who recaptured the village found camels stolen from local people roasting over fires, uneaten.
We don't have a single problem now that the group of Minni has gone, the village's water engineer, Saleh Mohamed Hilal, said in March 2007. Yesterday we heard Antonovs' government bombers but they didn't bomb. They only flew overhead.
One month later, they bombed. Malam al Hosh itself was untouched and there were no casualties. But the crude incendiary devices pushed out of the backs of the planes burned stretches of woodland on both sides of the village and its wells, the most important in the area.
Today local people are concerned that they will once again find themselves in the middle of a battle for control of the village not a battle between rebel factions this time, but between commanders who reject the DPA on one hand, and the government's allies in the Janjawid militias on the other.
Malam al Hosh is one of the best grazing areas in the part of North Darfur that is controlled by the non-signatories of the DPA in this area, for the most part, members of the non-Arab Zaghawa tribe. Herds from villages all around move to the area in February every year, at the beginning of the dry season, and remain there until July. Control of Malam would weaken the people who support the non-signatories by depriving their herds of water.
The Janjawid of North Darfur, whose own animals' migration routes have been cut by the war, have long had designs over the area around Malam al Hosh. In the days before war erupted in 2003 because of the rebels' demand for greater political and economic power and an end to government support for proxy Arab militias, the Janajwid leader Musa Hilal was a frequent visitor to Malam al Hosh.
He was a thin man in those days, not fat like he is now, said engineer Hilal, a Zaghawa who is not related to Musa Hilal. "He had a good car. He was dictatorial even with Arab tribes. He sent his militia to take from our shops without paying. We know they want this area. They want it for their animals.
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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الهشابة - شمال دارفور
Hashaba:
Some 1,500 families live in the Hashaba area of North Darfur, approximately 50 miles north of government-controlled El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur state. The area is under the control of the rebels of the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) but has not been attacked since the conflict in Darfur began in 2003.
Today the inhabitants of Hashaba - most of them members of the non-Arab Zaghawa tribe - are increasingly nervous. "All roads lead to Hashaba", they say, pointing out that government troops are massed on three sides of Hashaba on roads that lead directly to Hashaba: in El Fasher to the south, Mellit to the east and Kutum to the west.
Government-supported Janjawid militias also have a heavy presence in and around the three towns.
Ever since the Darfur rebels seized controlled of much of North Darfur, the animal migration routes of the Arab camel-herders who form the core of the northern Janjawid have been cut. Before the current conflict, grazing lands in the north of Darfur were shared among all camelmen - Arab and non-Arab. Today the Arabs are no longer able to travel north to their winter grazing grounds, where they used to remain from July until January or February. Their animals - their wealth, their pride and their preferred method of transport - are corralled in areas where most of the grass has been consumed and are weakened by underfeeding and disease caused by overcrowding.
The camel wealth of the Janjawid has increased significantly because of the booty of war. For them, control of the Hashaba area would be a first step toward releasing their herds and re-opening one of their all-important migration routes or marahil.
For the Sudan government, it would cut the road that links this rebel-controlled area of North Darfur to El Fasher. In so doing, it would close the door to El Fasher to the SLA rebels, whose closest supply center it is.
Relief agencies delivering aid to Hashaba have divided the area into three zones: Hashaba North, Hashaba South and Hashaba Centre. Hashaba Centre, with approximately 400 households divided among three village clusters, is the largest of the three zones. It lies a few miles north of a camp for 300 families who were displaced at the beginning of the war from the Um Sayala area a short distance to the south. Um Sayala is today one of the strongest Janjawid strongholds in North Darfur.
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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دليبة - شمال دارفور
Deleba:
The Deleba area on the southern edge of the rebel-controlled Ain Siro mountains has been attacked repeatedly by Janjawid forces and, most recently, by troops of the Government of Sudan. It was partially burned early in the Darfur conflict, but has never been captured.
The southern fringes of the Ain Siro mountains lie little more than 10 miles north-west of the government-controlled town of Kutum, one of the main centers of the Janjawid militias in North Darfur. Scores of villages in the mountains were attacked and burned by government forces and their Janjawid proxies early in the conflict. Many, including Deleba itself, have been wholly or partially rebuilt.
Deleba is the largest of three villages in the immediate area, with approximately 100 households.
Fatima Suliman, a 55-year-old woman from the village of Kurri, near Deleba, has witnessed 10 Janjawid attacks since the rebels of the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) launched their insurgency in 2003, complaining of political marginalization and economic neglect. In one of the most recent, early in March 2007, she was shot and wounded.
"The Janjawid came as I was going to the wells," she said, speaking in Tajew, a town a few miles away to which she was taken to receive treatment for her leg wound. "I heard shooting and began to run. There were so many of them; they were like flies. They wore green uniforms and black hats. Some were kneeling and firing; some were standing and firing; others were firing goronovs (grenades) from cars. The children were running all over the place, shouting: 'The Janjawid are here!'"
In the fifth year of the conflict, the dynamics of the war in Ain Siro appear to be changing. The rebels appear to be building bridges to some of the Arab tribes that have supported the Janjawid. They have returned some stolen camels to their Arab owners, through intermediaries, and the two sides have made direct contact after years of separation.
Today people in the area see two threats. The first is from the Janjawid, who used to graze their camels north of Deleba until the conflict drew a front line south of the mountains and closed their migration route. The second and more pressing threat, they believe, is from the government army. Government soldiers attacked Deleba twice in April 2007, but were repelled by the SLA. On the second occasion, on April 23, they attacked in approximately 20 vehicles with an estimated force of several hundred men.
The fear in Deleba today is that the government will attempt to weaken or attack the rebels in the Ain Siro mountains in order to curtail their rapprochement with the Janjawid and to take control of fresh grazing areas with which they can shore up the loyalty of their Janjawid proxies.
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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كفود - شمال دارفور
Kafod:
In December 2006, Janjawid militiamen went on a two-day rampage in the village of Abu Sakin in North Darfur. They looted everything, burned the village and killed at least 11 unarmed civilians, according to a UN assessment team which visited the village. Women were gang-raped. One of them was told: "We're going to rape you until you don't come back." Villagers claimed the Janjawid were supported by the Sudan Air Force by helicopter gunships and Antonov bombers.
A few miles north of Abu Sakin, the village of Um Sayala is one of the most active and aggressive Janjawid strongholds in North Darfur. The entire area between Um Sayala and Abu Sakin has been emptied of its inhabitants; villages there have been attacked and burned. Next in line, in the opinion of the inhabitants of the area, is the village of Kafod, a few miles south of Abu Sakin on the only road leading south from Um Sayala.
"We're unable to protect [these] people," the acting force commander of the African Union peacekeepers in Darfur, Brig. Gen. Frank Kamanzi, told Newsweek after the destruction of Abu Sakin.
Sandwiched between Janjawid-controlled Um Sayala to the north and rebel-controlled Korma to the south, Kafod is not controlled by any single faction. Its population the vast majority of them members of the non-Arab Tunjur tribe feel that they have no security and are living in fear of a Janjawid attack.
Kafod is also a vital link for the government of Sudan on the main road between the garrison towns of El Fasher, capital of North Darfur state, and Kutum. It lies in a part of North Darfur where front lines have shifted many times and where inter-factional fighting and banditry are rampant. From August 2006 until March 2007, the area was deemed too insecure for humanitarian work.
The people of Kafod are afraid. In October 2005, Janjawid burned the village market. In August 2006, an abortive government offensive to crush the rebels who reject the Darfur Peace Agreement began with aerial bombardment of the Kafod area. Ground forces passed through Abu Sakin, but bypassed Kafod. Villagers fear they might find themselves on the front line in the event of a new offensive to defeat the non-signatories an offensive presaged, perhaps, by renewed aerial bombardment of the non-signatories heartland in April 2007.
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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بلبل - جنوب دارفور
Bulbul:
In the first four months of 2007, more than 400 people were killed in South Darfur in fighting between two Arab tribes - nomadic camel-herders or abbala from the Rizeigat tribe, and the herder-farmers of the Terjem tribe who inhabit a fertile valley in the Bulbul area some 25 miles north-west of Nyala. The vast majority of those killed were civilians.
Most of the victims were Terjem, nearly all of them from 12 villages that the abbala burned to the ground. A UN report on the violence said the attacks on Wadi Bulbul were initiated by abbala Janjawid, whose overall leader is Musa Hilal, and "resulted in significant Terjem casualties and large-scale displacement of the Terjem population." Abbala also suffered casualties, but on a smaller scale.
Terjem villagers fear that Bulbul itself will be the next place targeted by the Janjawid, who they believe want to occupy the Terjem area in order to obtain new pastures for their camels. Grazing land is a main cause of conflict in Darfur today. The war, now in its fifth year, has closed all the north-south animal migration routes across the region, corralling large herds in South Darfur and increasing tribal tensions.
Concerned that the government was giving the abbala free rein, Terjem farmers surrounded government offices in Nyala, the capital of South Darfur state, to protest Khartoum's failure to stop the fighting and the spreading insecurity. Nyala is the biggest town in Darfur and has seen its population swelled by massive inflows of displaced.
At the beginning of the conflict in Darfur, the government armed both the abbala and the Terjem to fight against the settled farmers of the Fur tribe, strong supporters of the rebellion that broke out in 2003 when many Darfurians took up arms to demand more representative wealth and power in Darfur. The abbala remain the core of the Janjawid fighting force, and accuse the Terjem today of leaning toward the rebel movements.
The burning of Terjem villages pre-dates the outbreak of rebellion in Darfur. Many villages were burned in the first two years of President Omar Bashir's 'term' in 1990-1991 as Arab raiders laid violent claim to Terjem lands, unopposed by Khartoum. Hundreds of Terjem children whose families could not provide for them ended up on the streets of the capital, Khartoum.
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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سنام النعجة - جنوب دارفور
Sanam el Naga:
Sanam el Naga is one of the most sensitive areas of South Darfur, an unusually sought-after piece of land that sits at the crossroads of a number of tribes - Arab and non-Arab - and that is claimed by many of them. The village is also a crossing point of two main commercial roads. One is controlled by government forces, the other by the rebels of the Sudan Liberation Army.
UN officials fear that current tensions in Sanam el Naga will degenerate into open confrontation, with local populations being driven out by government-supported Janjawid militias.
"The people in the area all speak along the same lines," says a UN official who has worked in the area. "They say: 'It is difficult for us to leave as it is insecure out there. But we can't farm our lands here, for the same reason. There are usually no police or security forces about and if there are they don't protect us.'"
The land around Sanam el Naga is coveted because in under-developed Darfur it has an unusually good water supply, making it attractive to the impoverished camel-herders who have rallied to the ranks of the Janjawid. Dinka who fled drought in southern Sudan in the late 1990s were re-settled in the area in 2000-2001 and boreholes were drilled to accommodate them. When the Dinka moved southwards again in 2006-2007, this valuable land, once empty and inhospitable bush, became available for others.
UN officials say a number of government-supported Arab militias in the area have followed "relatively aggressive paths" in the last year and are believed to be thinking seriously about extending their area of control over Sanam el Naga.
Representatives of the African Union predict that any fighting for Sanam el Naga will be described by local authorities as "tribal". They say there are indeed tribal animosities: the SLA rebels who control Sanam el Naga recently kidnapped and are thought to have executed a number of Arab chiefs from the neighboring village of Dito. But they caution that the government would have a "direct interest" in seeing the militias take control of Sanam el Naga. In so doing, they would cut the rebels there off from their main base in Gereida, a few miles to the south.
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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الاخ العزيز محمدين/
تحياتى ، وشكرا لهذا البوست،
وتحية لمنظمة العفو الدولية على هذه العمل الذى لن يترك لأى متحايل مخرج سوى مواجهة الحقيقة والحقيقة وحدها والتى هى أمام الجميع.
هذا مايحتاجه أهلنا فى دارفور.
أن يرى الناس الحقيقة بشكل يومى بدون لبس او تزييف،
وأن يرى الناس باعينهم ماذا يحتاج أهلنا فى دارفور .
INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY 'FAILING' DARFUR - BECKETT (05/06/07)
Event: House of Commons
Location: London
Speech Date: 05/06/07
Speaker: Foreign Secretary Margaret Beckett
I welcome this debate. The situation in Sudan as a whole – and in Darfur in particular – is of immense concern to all those in this House. More than that, it is a tragedy about which the people of this country, and indeed people all over the world, feel deeply and passionately. They expect – and have the right to expect – that the UK government and the international community will rise to this challenge: that we will do all we can to end the suffering of the Sudanese people.
I have no doubt that during today’s debate most members, quite understandably, will choose to focus on Darfur. But we cannot afford to neglect the rest of Sudan. The civil war between the north and south of Sudan lasted for 20 years and during that conflict up to two million people were killed. A fragile peace was put in place in 2005 with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. That agreement provided for a Government of National Unity in Khartoum and the Government of Southern Sudan under President Salva Kiir in Juba. Since then, the peace has held. But we should not take it for granted, nor assume that we have yet achieved a genuine and lasting settlement. If the Comprehensive Peace Agreement were to fall apart, Sudan risks slipping back into a maelstrom of violence and chaos more intense even than that which we see today. So while we focus, understandably, on Darfur, we cannot forget our responsibility to work and keep working with international partners to keep the Comprehensive Peace Agreement on the international agenda.
Madame Deputy Speaker
The UN has described the situation in Darfur as the greatest humanitarian crisis in the world today – and there is hefty competition for that spot. Many thousands have been killed, raped or wounded. Over two million people are displaced. As many as four million – two thirds of the population – are dependent on international aid for food and for basic needs. These are stark statistics: but they can convey only a little of the immense human misery that is being visited upon the people of Darfur.
We – the United Nations and the international community – have to act. It was only last year for the first time that the concept of our collective Responsibility to Protect was acknowledged in a country-specific resolution at the UN Security Council: that country was Sudan, and the region was Darfur. So if the concept of our Responsibility to Protect is to mean anything, it must mean something in Darfur.
The moral obligation upon us to protect the people of Darfur is heavy. It is the foundation and the fulcrum of all our actions. But there are questions of regional and international stability at stake here too.
In searching for a way to serve that moral obligation, the international community needs the Government of Sudan to be an ally. And we need to work together on issues of mutual importance such as migration and counter-terrorism; and we need a stable Sudan for a stable region.
Already the conflict in Sudan is spilling over into Chad and Central African Republic. The conflict in Uganda spills into Sudan. If we cannot address and try to end the violence, we will not be able to address those underlying issues that must be resolved if there is to be long-term stability in the region: issues such as resource pressures made worse through climate change, poor governance, economic stagnation.
The UK has itself done much to help to address the problems of Darfur. Not least through the efforts of my Right Honourable Friend the Secretary of State for International Development and those of my own Parliamentary Under-Secretary.
Our goals are those supported by the United Nations and the African Union and set out in last year's agreement in Addis Ababa: an immediate and strengthened ceasefire; a renewed political process; and an effective hybrid African Union – United Nations peacekeeping force.
And in support of those goals we have taken specific and targeted action: we have committed over £73 million of bilateral funds to the African Union peacekeeping force - a substantial part of their funding; we have contributed over £250 million in humanitarian assistance to Sudan; and we supported the implementation of an agreement between the Government of Sudan and UN to allow full humanitarian access for NGOs operating in Darfur.
The UK has also been a leading voice in building an international consensus on Darfur. We sponsored the UN Resolution in March 2005 that referred Darfur to the International Criminal Court: on 2 May 2007 the ICC announced that it would issue arrest warrants in connection with alleged atrocities in Darfur. We have successfully encouraged China to play a more positive role in Sudan: indeed that was one of the main themes of my visit to China two weeks ago. We have built up European support for tough measures and persuaded EU partners to give further funding for the African Union peacekeepers. (And here I should say that we are working particularly closely with the new French government). And we have made sure that Darfur remains in the international spotlight: during our Presidency of the UN Security Council, for example, I hosted a meeting in New York designed to maintain the momentum towards political agreement. A meeting attended by all the main players both in the African Union – including the President - and in the United Nations, including the Secretary General.
These efforts – and those of many others – have led to some progress in Darfur.
The first United Nations peacekeeping personnel are already in the region and more are due to arrive shortly, acting in support of the current African Union mission. The next stage is to build a functioning hybrid UN-AU force of up to 17,000 peacekeepers. Such a hybrid force has never been tried before and the African Union and United Nations have been tasked with coming up with proposals as to how it should work. We are now pressing those two organisations to finalise and agree upon the details, and then communicate them effectively to the Government of Sudan, so that the force can be deployed as quickly as possible.
There has also been some positive movement on the political front. That is of crucial importance because only a viable political process and peace agreement can resolve this crisis. Envoys for the African Union and United Nations are now leading a new political process that is designed to bring in all the rebel groups. That is vital because, as the House will recall, the Darfur Peace Agreement, signed in May last year, did not get the broad-based support from rebel groups and the Darfur population that it needed.
We have been in regular contact with the envoys. And we have engaged with the key regional players - Libya, Eritrea, Egypt and Chad – to ensure that they support the political process. The envoys have now presented a set of proposals – a draft roadmap – designed to allow all sides – including all the rebel groups – to engage in negotiations. And it provides for mechanisms that will give the people of Darfur themselves to have a say in what the final agreement will look like.
But I will be blunt. Although there has been some progress, there has not been enough progress.
That is what concerns this government. That is what concerns this house and the people of this country.
Despite President Bashir’s repeated assurances to the international community that he would implement the conclusions of the Addis Ababa meeting, he has not done so. Indeed, he has sent more aircraft to bomb the people of Darfur. There have been continued attacks on civilians, peacekeepers and the humanitarian agencies. And those agencies are now warning that their basic ability to carry out their work is in jeopardy.
It is fair to say that the Sudanese government does not take the sole blame for this appalling situation. I’m sorry to let the House know that all sides are violating the cease-fire. And, as the UN Human Rights Mission to Sudan has reported, all sides are guilty of gross and systematic violations of human rights and of breaches of international humanitarian law.
In the face of a tragedy of such horror and complexity, the response of the international community must surely be to do more, not less. To redouble our efforts, not wash our hands.
To that end, we in this country will continue to work in support of the humanitarian agencies so that they can do their vital job helping the people of Darfur. I welcome the launch two weeks ago of the Disaster Emergency Committee’s appeal on Darfur and Chad: and I commend the work of those humanitarian agencies in one of the most difficult environments in the world.
We will work with partners in the European Union to provide further funding for the African Union mission. At the same time we will keep up the pressure on the African Union and United Nations to deliver an effective hybrid peacekeeping force. When such a force is agreed we will help to fund it and encourage others to contribute money and troops.
We will push all sides to make progress on the political process.
We will make clear that there can be no impunity for the atrocities committed in Darfur and we will support the international criminal court.
And we will continue to pressure those who have influence in Sudan to play a positive role in resolving the conflict: China, Egypt and Libya are particularly key.
In the final analysis, Madame Deputy Speaker, it is those involved in the conflict who can and must end it. Only they ultimately can bring peace and security to Darfur.
The African Union and the United Nations have drawn the outlines of a political process. The agreement in Addis Ababa has laid a framework for peacekeeping.
Now all sides in the conflict face a choice. Commit to that process and support that framework: or face the consequences.
For the Government of Sudan that will mean co-operating fully with the African Union and the United Nations. It means an end to the killing of innocent civilians and a clear signal that those who commit atrocities will be brought to justice. It means helping humanitarian workers to operate freely and securely so that they can bring effective relief to the Sudanese people.
We should be clear with the Government of Sudan about what they have to gain if they choose that path. Sudan can be a part of the international community again. That would mean, as a start, an end to sanctions and more money for reconstruction and development. We will not lose interest in Sudan. We will go on doing everything we can to help the Sudanese people build a better future.
But we should be just as clear about what will happen if the Government of Sudan chooses a different path: if it decides not to honour again the agreements it has entered into. In that case, the UK with our partners will seek to table a further sanctions resolution at the UN Security Council.
And what goes for the Government of Sudan goes for the rebel groups: if they do not cooperate, if they are not willing to enter into a genuine ceasefire, then in our view they too should, and will, be subjected to sanctions.
Madame Deputy Speaker
Bringing real and lasting peace to the people of Darfur will not be an easy process. It will not be quick. But it is possible. And the alternative – a continuation of the horrors we have already witnessed – is no alternative at all.
I will not disguise from the House my belief that the international community is failing the people of Darfur. That is why I hosted a meeting in the United Nations to inject more momentum and intent into the international response. That is why the UK has given money to the African Union Mission – at times when without that additional support the Mission could have fallen apart. And that is why the UK remains the second largest bilateral donor of humanitarian aid.
I can inform the House that very recently the UN and the African Union have agreed the detailed terms for a hybrid force. As the Government of Sudan accepted the deployment of such a force in principle several months ago, we are urging them to agree as quickly as possible for the force to be deployed on the ground.
If we are to succeed in bringing peace to the people of Darfur, all sides – in Sudan and in the international community – will need to show the courage to seize the opportunity we now have and the commitment to follow it through for the long-term. This Government, this country will not flinch from that task.
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: Khalid Kodi)
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الاخ العزيز خالد كودي ..لك التحية و التقدير
Quote: وتحية لمنظمة العفو الدولية على هذه العمل الذى لن يترك لأى متحايل مخرج سوى مواجهة الحقيقة والحقيقة وحدها والتى هى أمام الجميع.
هذا مايحتاجه أهلنا فى دارفور.
أن يرى الناس الحقيقة بشكل يومى بدون لبس او تزييف،
وأن يرى الناس باعينهم ماذا يحتاج أهلنا فى دارفور .
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و هذه الحقيقة لا يريدها من اجرم في حق اهل دارفور ان يراها كل الناس
حاولوا و بكل الصور ان تختفي الحقيقة و تموت ..لكن عبثأ ..
الحقيقة تشاهد الان و في كل ارجاء الكون ..
هذه المشاهدة تعني انه لا افلات من العقاب لما حدث و ما قد سيحدث ..
و لذا كانت وزيرة خارجية بريطانيا واضحة و هي تخاطب مجلس العموم البريطاني
في الخطاب الذي احضرته هنا :
Quote: We will make clear that there can be no impunity for the atrocities committed in Darfur and we will support the international criminal court.
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لا افلات من العقاب ..لا حصانة لاحد ..هنا ..
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمد على النقرو)
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الاخ العزيز محمد علي النقرو ..لك التحية و التقدير
Quote: من الان فصادا سوف تكون هنالك صور
للفظائع التى يرتكبونها وينكرونها
ولكن كل شرفاء العالم لهم بالمرصاد
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نعم اخي محمد علي النقرو ..الان كل شئ اكثر وضوحأ من ذي قبل
الحكومة تحاول عبثأ كبت الحقيقة و التضييق علي وسائل الاعلام الحرة
الان لا شئ من ذلك يجدي ..كل من يريد اخبار دارفور سيجدها في متناول يده ..
حتي تحركات الجنجويد و الجيش الذي يحاصر الابرياء و ينكل بهم ..
لا افلات بعد اليوم ..
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: Deng)
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الاخ العزيز دينق لك التحية و التقدير
Quote: إذا لم يكن هناك سلاح طيران موجود بتلك المنطقة ويراقب كل هذا فلا فائدة من هذا الساتلايت.
على المجتمع الدولي توفير غطاء جوي فعال وقادر على الحركة بسرعة جدا.
لكي يوقف أي أعتداء يتم بحق الابرياء. |
اتفق مع ما قلته و في ظني ان وضع هذه التقنية للعامة تعني المزيد من
الضغوطات ليس علي الحكومة السودانية فقط بل علي دول اخري مثل الصين
و بعض الدول الغربية التي لا زالت تتردد في دعم مشروع توفير غطاء جوي
و اقامة مناطق حظر طيران في دارفور ..اظن ان التحركات الشعبية الدولية
سيكون لها دور كبير في النهاية في ايقاف الاعتداءات بحق الابرياء ..
المسألة لن تكون مجرد عرض فيلم و علي المباشر و السلام كما يتمني
البعض ان تكون ..بل هي خطوة لها ابعادها القادمة ..
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: Mahjob Abdalla)
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الأخ العزيز محمدين محمد إسحق
لك التحية و الإحترام
الاقمار الصناعية لم تغب عن سماء دارفور منذ ضربة مطار الفاشر ..
و من منجزاتها انها ساهمت و بصورة فعالة في تقديم الأدلة القاطعة لممارسات الحكومة حيث إستحقت وصفها بالإبادة ...
الىن سيكون هذه العيون عونا لمنظمة العفو الدولية و بقية المنظمات الأخري ...
و صور هذه الأرقام هي خير الدلائل الموثقة ضد الحكومة و الجنجويد ..
و أتفق مع الأخ دينق ... أنه من الضروري فرض حظر الطيران الحكومي فوق دارفور ..
و هذا ما يبدو أن مجموعة الثمانية و الأمم المتحدة ستحاول إنجازه في هذا الشهر إن شاء الله :
Quote:
Last Update 06 يونيو, 2007 09:30:19 PM
بوش يبحث فرض حظر جوي فوق دارفور
هايليجيندام (ألمانيا) (رويترز)
قال الرئيس الامريكي جورج بوش يوم الاربعاء إن الولايات المتحدة قد تؤيد فرض حظر جوي في اجواء منطقة دارفور بالسودان للمساعدة في انهاء الصراع الدائر هناك.
وقال بوش للصحفيين على هامش قمة مجموعة الثماني عندما سئل عما اذا كان فرض منطقة حظر جوي أحد الخيارات المطروحة لانهاء العنف في دارفور "سنبحث ذلك".
وتشير تقديرات الى أن القتال بين الميليشيات المرتبطة بالحكومة وجماعات المتمردين في منطقة دارفور الواقعة في غرب السودان أدى الى مقتل 200 ألف شخص ونزوح مليونين اخرين من ديارهم منذ 2003.
وذكر مسؤولون من الامم المتحدة أن الخلاف حول الجهة التي تقود قوة مقترحة من الامم المتحدة والاتحاد الافريقي قوامها 23 ألف جندي يعطل عملية نشر تلك القوة لكن من المتوقع أن تعرض الخطط على الرئيس السوداني عمر البشير قريبا.
وقال بوش لمجموعة صغيرة من الصحفيين في بلدة هايليجيندام الواقعة على ساحل بحر البلطيق في أول أيام قمة مجموعة الثماني التي تستمر ثلاثة أيام "أريد أن أرى الناس يساعدون دارفور بالانضمام الينا وارسال رسائل أوضح وأقوى الى الرئيس البشير."
وأضاف "أشعر بالاحباط لانه ما زال هناك أناس يعانون ومع ذلك تسير عملية الامم المتحدة ببطء شديد."
كانت الولايات المتحدة وبريطانيا قد هددتا حكومة السودان بفرض عقوبات أشد في الامم المتحدة اذا لم تدعم الخرطوم الجهود الدولية لانهاء الصراع في دارفور.
ويعكف الحليفان منذ اسابيع على اعداد مشروع قرار يوسع عقوبات الامم المتحدة لكن روسيا وجنوب أفريقيا تشككان في التوقيت فيما تعارض الصين فرض مزيد من العقوبات.
وفي لندن سأل عضو في البرلمان البريطاني رئيس الوزراء توني بلير عما يمكن أن تفعله مجموعة الثماني للشعب السوداني فقال بلير "آمل أن يكون ما يمكنهم أن يتوقعوه هو التشديد على الالتزام بالعقوبات اذا لم تلتزم الحكومة السودانية بخطة السلام التي يتم بلورتها وتوقف قصف مواطنيها."
ومضى قائلا "على الحكومة السودانية أيضا أن ترحب بالقوة المختلطة التابعة للاتحاد الافريقي والامم المتحدة والتي تمثل الوسيلة الوحيدة التي يمكننا من خلالها الفصل بين المتقاتلين."
وفرض مجلس الامن حظرا على امداد المتمردين والميليشيات بالاسلحة لكنه لم يفرض حظرا على الحكومة على الرغم من أنه حظر الطلعات الجوية الهجومية من جانب الخرطوم فوق دارفور.
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: Mohamed Suleiman)
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الاخ العزيز محمد سليمان لك التحية و التقدير
Quote: الاقمار الصناعية لم تغب عن سماء دارفور منذ ضربة مطار الفاشر ..
و من منجزاتها انها ساهمت و بصورة فعالة في تقديم الأدلة القاطعة لممارسات الحكومة حيث إستحقت وصفها بالإبادة ...
الىن سيكون هذه العيون عونا لمنظمة العفو الدولية و بقية المنظمات الأخري ...
و صور هذه الأرقام هي خير الدلائل الموثقة ضد الحكومة و الجنجويد ..
و أتفق مع الأخ دينق ... أنه من الضروري فرض حظر الطيران الحكومي فوق دارفور ..
و هذا ما يبدو أن مجموعة الثمانية و الأمم المتحدة ستحاول إنجازه في هذا الشهر إن شاء الله :
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الامور في الفترة لن تكون كما كانت من قبل ..
الولايات المتحدة تتحرك الان بقوة ..و معها بريطانيا في الاتجاه الذي
ذكرته و اشار اليه دينق ..و دخلت فرنسا و بقوة علي الخط ..
ساركوزي يخوض معركة حادة ضد الحكومة السودانية في اوربا ..
..فقد كانت دارفور حاضرة و بقوة في حملاته الانتخابية ..
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فرنسا تستضيف اجتماعا بشأن دارفور يوم 25 يونيو
Thu Jun 7, 2007 8:59 PM GMT
Quote: هايليجيندام (ألمانيا) (رويترز) - أعلنت باريس يوم الخميس أن وزراء خارجية دول رئيسية في الاتحاد الاوروبي سيبحثون في فرنسا في وقت لاحق من الشهر الحالي الاوضاع في اقليم دارفور السوداني المضطرب.
وقال الرئيس الفرنسي نيكولا ساركوزي الذي كان يتحدث على هامش قمة الثماني في ألمانيا ان زعماء الدول الكبرى يريدون تحركل سريعا لانهاء الصراع الذي أدى الى أزمة انسانية.
وقال للصحفيين "الكل متفق على أنه يجب أن نتحرك لانها فضيحة مطلقة." واضاف "الجميع متفقون على الحاجة الى حل سياسي وعلى دفع الزعماء السياسيين لقبول ذلك."
وقال ساركوزي الذي يتطلع للاسراع بعملية السلام ان وزراء خارجية من " مجموعة الاتصال الموسعة" التي تضم الولايات المتحدة ومصر المجاورة للسودان والصين حليفته سيجرون محادثات في باريس يوم 25 يونيو حزيران.
وقال ساركوزي "ستبحث كل مشكلات دارفور لانني لا أرى كيف يمكن أن يكون هناك حل سياسي دون الحديث عن المشكلات الانسانية والمشكلات العسكرية والمشكلات السياسية."
وتولى ساركوزي رئاسة فرنسا الشهر الماضي وجعل أزمة دارفور أولوية لحكومته الجديدة. ويزور وزير خارجيته برنار كوشنر السودان في أوائل الاسبوع القادم للبحث عن سبل لتهدئة الوضع.
ويقدر خبراء دوليون أن اكثر من 200 ألف شخص قتلوا وجرى تشريد أكثر من مليونين في القتال بين الميليشيات المرتبطة بالحكومة وجماعات المتمردين في اقليم دارفور والمستمر منذ أكثر من أربع سنوات.
ويقدر السودان أعداد القتلى بحوالي تسعة الاف.
وقال ساركوزي انه يتعين على الامم المتحدة والاتحاد الافريقي التحرك بسرعة لنشر قوة طال انتظارها لحفظ السلام في الاقليم.
وتوصلت الامم المتحدة والاتحاد الافريقي الى اتفاق اولي يوم الاربعاء على نشر قوة قوامها 23 ألف جندي بتجاوز خلاف بشأن من سيسيطر على العملية.
وهناك مخاوف من أن تتباطأ الخرطوم بشأن نشر هذه القوة وتبحث كل من الولايات المتحدة وبريطانيا فرض عقوبات على السودان بعد العقوبات التي فرضتها الولايات المتحدة عليه من جانب واحد.
وقال متحدث ان كوشنر سيزور السودان يوم الاحد القادم لاجراء محادثات بشأن دارفور في نهاية أول جولة رسمية يقوم بها في أفريقيا.
وقالت وزارة الخارجية الفرنسية ان كوشنر سيزور السودان يومي 10 و11 يونيو بعدما يزور مالي يومي الخميس والجمعة حيث يحضر حفل تنصيب الرئيس المنتخب امادو توماني توري ثم يزور تشاد التي تشهد عنفا متزايدا امتد اليها من دارفور.
من كريسبيان بالمر
(شارك في التغطية فرانسوا ميرفي في باريس)
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الضغوط الشعبية الدولية هنا وهناك سيكون لها اثرها الكبير في
حماية الابرياء في دارفور ..
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: bakri abdalla)
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الاخ العزيز بكري عبد الله ..لك التحية و التقدير
Quote: امر رقابة الاقليم عبرالاقمار الصناعية
قد يكون بديل مؤقت لحفظ ارواح ما تبقى
من المواطنين لحين قدوم القوات الدولية
وشكرا على مساهماتك القيمة. |
نعم ..و ستستمر هذه التقنية حتي بعد قدوم القوات الدوليةالي دارفور..
لعلها احدي الاشياء التي يجب ان تستخدم في دارفور الشاسعة لمراقبة
الاعتداءات المرتقبة علي العزل و الابرياء و ذلك حتي علي المدي البعيد ..
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لدي مجموعة جديدة من الصور عن طويلة و كبكابية استلمتها قبل ايام
قليلة ..سأعمل الي ارسالها لكم ..
كونوا بخير ...
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Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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نموذج آخر لاعلام كبت الحقيقة :
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منظمة 'العفو' تشارك في الحصار وتراقب دارفور بالأقمار الصناعية
التصنيف: جديد تاريخ الحدث: 8 يونيو, 2007
المصدر: وكالة الأخبار الإسلامية (نبأ)
اعلنت منظمة العفو الدولية أنها استخدمت الأقمار الصناعية لمراقبة الأوضاع في دارفور، واعترف الفرع الأميركي للمنظمة أنها المرة الأولى التي تستخدم فيها هذه التقنية .
دارفور تحت الحصار الصهيوني الامريكي الفضائي!! وزعمت المنظمة أن مراقبة دارفور عن طريق الصور على موقع "عيون على دارفور" على شبكة الويب أفادت بأن 12 قرية في دارفور مستهدفة بهجمات ، ودعت سكان العالم اجمع الى المساعدة تلك القرى المستهدفة.
وقال لاري كوكس المدير التنفيذي للقسم الأميركي لمنظمة العفو أن المجموعة تريد من خلال ذلك أن تثبت للرئيس السوداني عمر البشير أن العالم يراقب الوضع عن كثب... وحثه على قبول قوة حفظ سلام مشتركة بين الأمم المتحدة والاتحاد الإفريقي.
ويشير المسئولون في منظمة العفو إلى عزمهم استخدام الصور التي يلتقطونها عبر الأقمار الصناعية في ملاحقات قضائية مستقبلية.
وفي ذات السياق زادت الضغوط في الامم المتحدة على السودان التي تعرضت للانتقاد بسبب عدم تعاونها مع المحكمة الجنائية الدولية بشأن أوضاع دارفور، وللتهديد بعقوبات في حال رفض قوة احتلال دولية في هذا الاقليم.
واعلن السفير الاميركي في الامم المتحدة زلماي خليل زاد للصحفيين انه اذا لم توافق الخرطوم سريعا على نشر قوة مشتركة بين الامم المتحدة والاتحاد الافريقي "فنحن نعتزم فرض عقوبات متعددة الاطراف ستتضمن منطقة حظر جوي فوق دارفور".
ويلتقي خبراء من الامم المتحدة والاتحاد الافريقي مسؤولين سودانيين الاثنين والثلاثاء في اديس ابابا للبحث في خطة مفصلة لارسال قوة "مشتركة" قوامها 23 الف جندي للحلول مكان القوة الحالية للاتحاد الافريقي وعددها سبعة الاف عنصر وتعاني من نقص في العتاد والتمويل.
http://www.islamicnews.net/Document/ShowDoc01.asp?DocID=97286&TypeID=1
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محمدين محمد اسحق
Khalid Kodi
Deng
Mahjob Abdalla
Mohamed Suleiman
Ahmed Mohamedain
bakri abdalla
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست