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 Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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الاخ العزيز محمدين/
تحياتى ، وشكرا لهذا البوست،
وتحية لمنظمة العفو الدولية على هذه العمل الذى لن يترك لأى متحايل مخرج سوى مواجهة الحقيقة والحقيقة وحدها والتى هى أمام الجميع.
هذا مايحتاجه أهلنا فى دارفور.
أن يرى الناس الحقيقة بشكل يومى بدون لبس او تزييف،
وأن يرى الناس باعينهم ماذا يحتاج أهلنا فى دارفور .
INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY 'FAILING' DARFUR - BECKETT (05/06/07)
Event: House of Commons
Location: London
Speech Date: 05/06/07
Speaker: Foreign Secretary Margaret Beckett
I welcome this debate. The situation in Sudan as a whole – and in Darfur in particular – is of immense concern to all those in this House. More than that, it is a tragedy about which the people of this country, and indeed people all over the world, feel deeply and passionately. They expect – and have the right to expect – that the UK government and the international community will rise to this challenge: that we will do all we can to end the suffering of the Sudanese people.
I have no doubt that during today’s debate most members, quite understandably, will choose to focus on Darfur. But we cannot afford to neglect the rest of Sudan. The civil war between the north and south of Sudan lasted for 20 years and during that conflict up to two million people were killed. A fragile peace was put in place in 2005 with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. That agreement provided for a Government of National Unity in Khartoum and the Government of Southern Sudan under President Salva Kiir in Juba. Since then, the peace has held. But we should not take it for granted, nor assume that we have yet achieved a genuine and lasting settlement. If the Comprehensive Peace Agreement were to fall apart, Sudan risks slipping back into a maelstrom of violence and chaos more intense even than that which we see today. So while we focus, understandably, on Darfur, we cannot forget our responsibility to work and keep working with international partners to keep the Comprehensive Peace Agreement on the international agenda.
Madame Deputy Speaker
The UN has described the situation in Darfur as the greatest humanitarian crisis in the world today – and there is hefty competition for that spot. Many thousands have been killed, raped or wounded. Over two million people are displaced. As many as four million – two thirds of the population – are dependent on international aid for food and for basic needs. These are stark statistics: but they can convey only a little of the immense human misery that is being visited upon the people of Darfur.
We – the United Nations and the international community – have to act. It was only last year for the first time that the concept of our collective Responsibility to Protect was acknowledged in a country-specific resolution at the UN Security Council: that country was Sudan, and the region was Darfur. So if the concept of our Responsibility to Protect is to mean anything, it must mean something in Darfur.
The moral obligation upon us to protect the people of Darfur is heavy. It is the foundation and the fulcrum of all our actions. But there are questions of regional and international stability at stake here too.
In searching for a way to serve that moral obligation, the international community needs the Government of Sudan to be an ally. And we need to work together on issues of mutual importance such as migration and counter-terrorism; and we need a stable Sudan for a stable region.
Already the conflict in Sudan is spilling over into Chad and Central African Republic. The conflict in Uganda spills into Sudan. If we cannot address and try to end the violence, we will not be able to address those underlying issues that must be resolved if there is to be long-term stability in the region: issues such as resource pressures made worse through climate change, poor governance, economic stagnation.
The UK has itself done much to help to address the problems of Darfur. Not least through the efforts of my Right Honourable Friend the Secretary of State for International Development and those of my own Parliamentary Under-Secretary.
Our goals are those supported by the United Nations and the African Union and set out in last year's agreement in Addis Ababa: an immediate and strengthened ceasefire; a renewed political process; and an effective hybrid African Union – United Nations peacekeeping force.
And in support of those goals we have taken specific and targeted action: we have committed over £73 million of bilateral funds to the African Union peacekeeping force - a substantial part of their funding; we have contributed over £250 million in humanitarian assistance to Sudan; and we supported the implementation of an agreement between the Government of Sudan and UN to allow full humanitarian access for NGOs operating in Darfur.
The UK has also been a leading voice in building an international consensus on Darfur. We sponsored the UN Resolution in March 2005 that referred Darfur to the International Criminal Court: on 2 May 2007 the ICC announced that it would issue arrest warrants in connection with alleged atrocities in Darfur. We have successfully encouraged China to play a more positive role in Sudan: indeed that was one of the main themes of my visit to China two weeks ago. We have built up European support for tough measures and persuaded EU partners to give further funding for the African Union peacekeepers. (And here I should say that we are working particularly closely with the new French government). And we have made sure that Darfur remains in the international spotlight: during our Presidency of the UN Security Council, for example, I hosted a meeting in New York designed to maintain the momentum towards political agreement. A meeting attended by all the main players both in the African Union – including the President - and in the United Nations, including the Secretary General.
These efforts – and those of many others – have led to some progress in Darfur.
The first United Nations peacekeeping personnel are already in the region and more are due to arrive shortly, acting in support of the current African Union mission. The next stage is to build a functioning hybrid UN-AU force of up to 17,000 peacekeepers. Such a hybrid force has never been tried before and the African Union and United Nations have been tasked with coming up with proposals as to how it should work. We are now pressing those two organisations to finalise and agree upon the details, and then communicate them effectively to the Government of Sudan, so that the force can be deployed as quickly as possible.
There has also been some positive movement on the political front. That is of crucial importance because only a viable political process and peace agreement can resolve this crisis. Envoys for the African Union and United Nations are now leading a new political process that is designed to bring in all the rebel groups. That is vital because, as the House will recall, the Darfur Peace Agreement, signed in May last year, did not get the broad-based support from rebel groups and the Darfur population that it needed.
We have been in regular contact with the envoys. And we have engaged with the key regional players - Libya, Eritrea, Egypt and Chad – to ensure that they support the political process. The envoys have now presented a set of proposals – a draft roadmap – designed to allow all sides – including all the rebel groups – to engage in negotiations. And it provides for mechanisms that will give the people of Darfur themselves to have a say in what the final agreement will look like.
But I will be blunt. Although there has been some progress, there has not been enough progress.
That is what concerns this government. That is what concerns this house and the people of this country.
Despite President Bashir’s repeated assurances to the international community that he would implement the conclusions of the Addis Ababa meeting, he has not done so. Indeed, he has sent more aircraft to bomb the people of Darfur. There have been continued attacks on civilians, peacekeepers and the humanitarian agencies. And those agencies are now warning that their basic ability to carry out their work is in jeopardy.
It is fair to say that the Sudanese government does not take the sole blame for this appalling situation. I’m sorry to let the House know that all sides are violating the cease-fire. And, as the UN Human Rights Mission to Sudan has reported, all sides are guilty of gross and systematic violations of human rights and of breaches of international humanitarian law.
In the face of a tragedy of such horror and complexity, the response of the international community must surely be to do more, not less. To redouble our efforts, not wash our hands.
To that end, we in this country will continue to work in support of the humanitarian agencies so that they can do their vital job helping the people of Darfur. I welcome the launch two weeks ago of the Disaster Emergency Committee’s appeal on Darfur and Chad: and I commend the work of those humanitarian agencies in one of the most difficult environments in the world.
We will work with partners in the European Union to provide further funding for the African Union mission. At the same time we will keep up the pressure on the African Union and United Nations to deliver an effective hybrid peacekeeping force. When such a force is agreed we will help to fund it and encourage others to contribute money and troops.
We will push all sides to make progress on the political process.
We will make clear that there can be no impunity for the atrocities committed in Darfur and we will support the international criminal court.
And we will continue to pressure those who have influence in Sudan to play a positive role in resolving the conflict: China, Egypt and Libya are particularly key.
In the final analysis, Madame Deputy Speaker, it is those involved in the conflict who can and must end it. Only they ultimately can bring peace and security to Darfur.
The African Union and the United Nations have drawn the outlines of a political process. The agreement in Addis Ababa has laid a framework for peacekeeping.
Now all sides in the conflict face a choice. Commit to that process and support that framework: or face the consequences.
For the Government of Sudan that will mean co-operating fully with the African Union and the United Nations. It means an end to the killing of innocent civilians and a clear signal that those who commit atrocities will be brought to justice. It means helping humanitarian workers to operate freely and securely so that they can bring effective relief to the Sudanese people.
We should be clear with the Government of Sudan about what they have to gain if they choose that path. Sudan can be a part of the international community again. That would mean, as a start, an end to sanctions and more money for reconstruction and development. We will not lose interest in Sudan. We will go on doing everything we can to help the Sudanese people build a better future.
But we should be just as clear about what will happen if the Government of Sudan chooses a different path: if it decides not to honour again the agreements it has entered into. In that case, the UK with our partners will seek to table a further sanctions resolution at the UN Security Council.
And what goes for the Government of Sudan goes for the rebel groups: if they do not cooperate, if they are not willing to enter into a genuine ceasefire, then in our view they too should, and will, be subjected to sanctions.
Madame Deputy Speaker
Bringing real and lasting peace to the people of Darfur will not be an easy process. It will not be quick. But it is possible. And the alternative – a continuation of the horrors we have already witnessed – is no alternative at all.
I will not disguise from the House my belief that the international community is failing the people of Darfur. That is why I hosted a meeting in the United Nations to inject more momentum and intent into the international response. That is why the UK has given money to the African Union Mission – at times when without that additional support the Mission could have fallen apart. And that is why the UK remains the second largest bilateral donor of humanitarian aid.
I can inform the House that very recently the UN and the African Union have agreed the detailed terms for a hybrid force. As the Government of Sudan accepted the deployment of such a force in principle several months ago, we are urging them to agree as quickly as possible for the force to be deployed on the ground.
If we are to succeed in bringing peace to the people of Darfur, all sides – in Sudan and in the international community – will need to show the courage to seize the opportunity we now have and the commitment to follow it through for the long-term. This Government, this country will not flinch from that task.
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| العنوان |
الكاتب |
Date |
| العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 06:46 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 06:50 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 06:56 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 07:01 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 07:12 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 07:16 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 07:20 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 07:23 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 07:26 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 07:30 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 07:33 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 07:36 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 07:40 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 07:44 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 07:50 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | Khalid Kodi | 06-06-07, 08:28 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-06-07, 09:22 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمد على النقرو | 06-07-07, 00:52 AM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-07-07, 07:01 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | Deng | 06-07-07, 01:00 AM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-07-07, 07:19 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | Mahjob Abdalla | 06-07-07, 01:35 AM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | Mohamed Suleiman | 06-07-07, 06:27 AM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-07-07, 07:32 PM |
 Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | Ahmed Mohamedain | 06-07-07, 11:08 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-08-07, 10:43 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | bakri abdalla | 06-09-07, 03:55 AM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-09-07, 01:58 PM |
| Re: العفو الدولية تراقب دارفور بواسطة اقمار اصطناعية ... | محمدين محمد اسحق | 06-09-07, 09:10 PM |
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