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 خطاب الرفيق قرنق امام مجلس الامن بنايروبي
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SPLM CHAIRMAN’S ADDRESS TO THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL
NAIROBI, KENYA: November 18, 2004
Your Excellency President Mwai Kibaki;
Your Excellency, Mr. Kofi Anan, the UN Secretary General;
Your Excellency Ambassador John Donforth, President of the UN Security Council;
Your Excellencies: Ambassadors of the Member States of the United Nations Security Council;
Your Excellencies: Representatives of the African Union
Your Excellencies: Head of State and Government of IGAD Countries or their Representatives
Your Excellencies: Gen. Sumbeiywo, Chief Negotiator, and his colleagues: Ambassadors of the IGAD Sub-Committee on Sudan;
Your Excellency the Representative of the African Union;
H.E. The First Vice President of the Sudan, Ustaz Ali Osman Taha and Members of the GOS and SPLM Delegations:
Excellencies, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen:
First and foremost, I would like to thank you heartily for having invited the SPLM to this significant and historic UN Security Council sitting on Sudan to give our perspective on the peace process and the situation in our country in general. I understand that this is the forth time in its history for the UN Security Council to meet outside its New York Headquarters. But only for the second time in Africa. We appreciate this significant gesture and concern.
This is indeed another momentous occasion in the history of our country. I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate our unwavering commitment to the peaceful resolution of all conflicts in the Sudan. It is our hope that the sitting of this august body in Nairobi, will expedite the bringing of the IGDA Peace process on Sudan to Speedy closure.
The core of the peace agreement in the form of the six Protocols is already in place. The task that remains is to finalise the agreement on the comprehensive ceasefire and modalities for implementation, which shall be annexes to the peace agreement. The parties signed the six protocols with the view to implementing them and with the primary aim of ending the war. The two annexes-on comprehensive Ceasefire and implementation Modalities- should therefore obviously not be stumbling blocks to closing the deal. In this regard I want to assure you that the SPLM is willing and prepared to work with other party to move speedily to complete and sign the final comprehensive peace agreement in the shortest time possible. We in the SPLM absolutely have no reason to cause delays; on the contrary we have every reason to expedite the process and sign the final agreement today rather than tomorrow.
Under the ceasefire negotiations of the first Annex, there are two outstanding issues, the cardinal being the funding of the armed forces. According to the Security Arrangements Protocols (Section I B), it has been agreed that two armed forces, namely, the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Sudan People’s liberation Army (SPLA) are to be “Considered and treated equally as Sudan’s National Armed Forces (SNAF) during the Interim Period” This entails that the two armed forces (SAF and SPLA) as well as the joint Integrated Units (JIUs), which shall be constituted from the two armed forces, are all to be funded in all aspects from the National Treasury. It was precisely for this reason that the SPLM settled for only 50% of revenues from oil extracted from Southern Sudan, and only 50% of non-oil revenues collected in Southern Sudan so as to enable the National Government retain sufficient financial resources to meet national obligation including expenditure on the national armed forces. The other party’s position on this issue is both untenable and inconsistent with the meaning and spirit of the Security Arrangements Framework Agreement during the Interim Period. It limits funding from national coffers, to only the (SAF) component of the National Armed forces meanwhile completely ignoring funding of the other component of the SNAF i.e. the SPLA or relegating it to the funding by the Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS), which is a sub-national level of Government and therefore not responsible for funding of national institutions including the SPLA.
The second outstanding issue in the ceasefire agreement, though relatively less problematic than that of funding of the armed forces, is the timeframe for incorporation of other Armed Groups (OAGS) in SAF or SPLA structures depending on their individual choice, as stipulated in the Security Arrangements Agreement sign by the Parties in September 2003, in which Para 7 (a) state that the process of integration of OAGs should be accomplished before the comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) comes into effect, so that by then there will only be two armed forces (SAF and SPLA) as agreed upon.
Regarding the second Annex on “Implementation Modalities” for the agreement, sufficient progress has been generally achieved in respect of the two areas (Nuba Mountains and Southern Blue Nile) as well as Abyei. Further work needs to be done to bridge the gaps in relation to power sharing. However, the biggest obstacles are in the implementation modalities for the Wealth Sharing Protocols, were two main outstanding issues must be resolved. Firstly, the Government of Sudan (GOS) proposes a system for the transfer of funds that seeks to deny GOSS direct access to its share of oil revenues, insisting on a bizarre position that the GOSS receive its share in local currency. Secondly, GOS is still unwilling to share information on oil revenues. The SPLM finds these two positions incomprehensive and therefore unacceptable. For us the GOSS must have direct access to it share of oil revenues and we believe in the principal of transparency in the sharing of information concerning oil revenues; and this is precisely what the Agreement on Wealth Sharing says in Para 4.1: “The SPLM shall appoint a limited number of representatives to have access to all existing oil contracts. The Representatives shall have the right to engage technical experts. All those who have access to the contracts will sign confidentiality agreements”.
Mr. President, Your Excellencies; in summary of this part of my presentation, I want to state that the SPLM position in unequivocal terms that the GOS and SPLM have the core agreement already in place in the form of the six protocols, and as stated in the 5th of June, 2004 Nairobi Declaration, we consider the Sudan peace agreement essentially already completed. The two outstanding issues in each of the two annexes of ceasefire agreement and implementation modalities should not take time to resolved, specially in view of the very precarious situation our country is in and the fact that peace has a price. Once more, I want to assure Your Excellencies, that the SPLM is willing and ready to work with the other party to resolve the outstanding issues in the two annexes to bring the process to speedy closure and to work in partnership with the National Congress Party in establishing a new coalition Government of National Unity in accordance with the six protocols.
Mr. President, Your Excellencies, the SPLM views the agreement as a prelude to the beginning of the process of democratic transformation, a paradigm shift in socio-economic development of the country, and observance of human rights and freedoms as endorsed by the Parties in a comprehensive Bill of Rights in the Power Sharing Agreement. The SPLM will seek to participate effectively in the coalition government of National Unity and other levels of Government to ensure the realization of a new political dispensation in the Sudan. In this context the SPLM shall work energetically in partnership with the National Congress Party (NCP) and all the other political forces in Sudan to ensure timely, free and fair legislative and presidential elections. In this context we are committed to preserve peace, stability and territorial integrity of the Sudan during the interim period and to ensure the holding of a free international monitored referendum on the right of self-determination for Southern Sudan towards the end of the six year interim period.
We remain fully committed to the implementation of all aspects of the peace agreement and will make full use of the Assessment and Evaluation Commission (AEC) throughout the Interim Period to assess and monitor the implementation of the peace agreement. This is necessary to rectify any shortcomings, without renegotiating the agreement. Through international guarantees and assistance, the international community will play a significant role in the implementation of the Sudan peace agreement, and the present sitting of the Security Council in Nairobi is a positive signal, which we very much welcome and appreciate. We appeal to the international community to assist us in the faithful implementation of the peace agreement because even if either party to the agreement feels that there are too many risks associated with the agreement; in the final analysis the cost of non implementation of the agreement would be much higher then the cost of implementation for the country as a whole and both parties are therefore best advised to desist from anything that might undermine implementation of the peace agreement.
Mr. President, Your Excellencies, before I conclude, I would like to highlight an issue of grave concern to the Sudan and to you in the Security Council. You are undoubtedly aware of the fact that our country is in dire straits. The situation in Darfur is rapidly degenerating into chaos and anarchy as the Government counter-insurgency policy and campaign in that region has seriously boomeranged and continues to spiral out of control. Furthermore, the GOS has recently foiled a coup attempt and the prospects for fresh insurgencies emerging in other parts of the Sudan are increasing. The GOS destabilization of Southern Sudan through its militias continues unabated. The IGAD peace process has almost stalled leading to a precarious ‘No War No Peace’ situation in Southern Sudan, Nuba Mountains and Southern Blue Nile. To make matters worse, the GOS is threatening to unilaterally go a head with the selective implementation of aspect of the Naivasha protocols, notably the wealth Sharing Protocols, even in the Absence of a final Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which is a euphemism for the longstanding GOS policy of ‘Peace From Within’. This overall situation if left unchecked can eventually cause Sudan to implode and degenerate into another Somali and serious insecurity consequences for the whole Region are obvious.
The only way to avert this looming tragedy is to expedite the Naivasha process and speedily conclude the comprehensive peace agreement on Sudan; and to install a broad based coalition government of national unity that can best deal with such threats. It imperative that the international Community does its utmost to consolidate the Sudan Peace Process. We therefore call upon the Security Council to pass a specific resolution in this important Nairobi sitting that, inter alia recognises, endorses and declares the six Protocols signed thus far by the GOS and the SPLM as binding and irrevocable commitments that the parties may not under any circumstances whatsoever renegotiate. This is in addition to Your Excellencies urging of the parties to expeditiously complete negotiations on the two annexes and sign the comprehensive peace agreement by a specified date. As I have already said earlier, I see no serious obstacles that could prevent us from signing the final agreement by the end of this year, 2004. The four main remaining issues outstanding in the two annexes can be resolved in a matter of days and the situation in the Sudan in sufficient serious for the two Parties to Appreciate the urgency of quick conclusion of the Naivasha process and signing of the comprehensive peace agreement. Furthermore, the parties could use this comprehensive peace agreement as a basis for making a fair and just peace for the country as a whole including Darfur (Thanks to the current efforts of the UN and the AU under the Abuja Process) and Eastern Sudan, applying and adapting the agreements to the particular situation as well as using the new political dispensation to maintain peace, stability and territorial integrity of the country during the Interim Period. We firmly believe that this is the way out of the current Sudanese crisis and debacle and SPLM assures you, Excellencies, as well as the GOS, that the Movement will play a positive role and working in Partnership with the National Congress Party and other political forces to bring comprehensive peace to all parts of the Sudan.
Mr.. President, Your Excellencies: allow me on behalf of the suffering people of the Sudan to conclude by thanking you most sincerely for having organised and held this historic and rare meeting in our neighbourhood. This signifies your recognition and awareness of the gravity of internal Sudanese conflicts. The Sudanese people eagerly await the outcome of your deliberations and hope that you will not leave this venue without sending them a message of hope for Christmas and New Year.
We would also like to pay tribute to the IGAD Secretariat headed by H. E. Ambassador Lt. Gen. (Rtd) Lazaro K. Sumbeiywo, IGAD member states the IPF Quartet, namely Italy, Norway, UK and USA, the Government of the Netherlands and the African Union (AU) for their unrelenting efforts in the search for just lasting peace in the Sudan.
Thank you for listening.
Dr. John Garang de Mabior
Chairman and Commander –in-Chief,
SPLM/SPLA.
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Re: خطاب الرفيق قرنق امام مجلس الامن بنايروبي (Re: matthew FARIS)
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كلمة الامين العام كوفي عنان
Nairobi, Kenya, 18 November 2004 - Secretary-General's statement to the Security Council meeting on the Sudan
Mr. President,
Excellencies,
I first would like to thank our distinguished President, Ambassador John Danforth. It is because of his initiative that we are here.
It is fitting that the Council should have taken the rare and highly symbolic step of meeting here in Africa. You have come to Nairobi primarily to discuss the situation in Africa's largest country, Sudan, which unhappily is also one of the countries most affected by conflict.
Sudan is a country with very deep-rooted and complex divisions. In large parts of Sudan, particularly in the south, the people have lived for decades in fear, hunger and misery, both natural and man-made.
Now, at last, the Naivasha peace process, so skillfully and patiently led by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, offers real hope of an escape from that long nightmare, and a chance to transform Sudan's political landscape and system of governance.
Sudan's people have waited far too long for such a transformation. It is high time to conclude the negotiations between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement and Army and start implementing what has been agreed.
The effects of delay are felt not only in the south, but elsewhere too, as conflict spreads to more parts of the country. The devastating conflict in Darfur is glaring evidence of this.
That is why the time for decision is now. There is no time to waste. The speedy conclusion of the North-South talks would not only help curb the further spread of conflict to other parts of the country. It would also serve as a basis and a catalyst for the resolution of existing conflicts.
Indeed, as I have indicated to the Council on earlier occasions, the Government of Sudan and the SPLM/A have already agreed to use the relevant principles of the Machakos Protocol as a basis for resolving conflicts in other regions, including Darfur. And those principles were the basis for settling the conflicts in the Nuba Mountains, Southern Blue Nile and Abyei.
Another reason to conclude the Naivasha process speedily is that this would lead to the formation of a new coalition government in Khartoum with a new army, one that would include representatives of the SPLM. I cannot help feeling that the formation of a North/South government in Sudan would add weight and impetus to the search for a settlement in Darfur and elsewhere, and that it would have an important confidence-building effect.
Mr. President,
That is why, today, I re-emphasize to you, the members of the Council, the importance of an early conclusion of the Naivasha process. I am confident that you will, in your collective and your private discussions with Vice President Ali Othman Taha and Dr. John Garang, and in the resolution that you will be adopting on Sudan, encourage the parties to sign a comprehensive peace agreement before the end of the year. And I particularly welcome the Council's promise of full support for the implementation of such an agreement, and its offer of incentives to encourage the parties to do what is right for their people and country.
Both the Government and the SPLM should be urged to work together to resolve the other conflicts besetting Sudan immediately after signing their agreement, as indeed they should as members of the new Government of Sudan.
This kind of approach is needed because there is a general issue of governance in Sudan. It is not just a problem of North/South, or Darfur, or Beja. Such conflicts cannot be dealt with in a piecemeal way. A comprehensive approach is required. Naivasha offers a good basis on which to build. Sudanese from around the country and across the spectrum, including political parties, civil society and exiles, are going to have to come together to discuss the future of Sudan and how the country should be governed.
Mr. President,
While it is proper that the Council should place its primary focus, in this particular meeting, on the conclusion of the North-South talks, the conflict in Darfur also demands your attention. The terrible situation in Darfur has been brought about mainly by deliberate acts of violence against civilians, including widespread killing and rape. Because of the magnitude and intensity of the human suffering in that region, the conflict remains a burning concern. Your draft resolution rightly reflects that concern.
It is encouraging that, in Abuja, the parties to the Darfur conflict have signed Protocols on the humanitarian situation and on security. They must be urged to abide strictly by these agreements. The parties should also be pressed to maintain the momentum towards reaching agreement on political and other outstanding issues. The Council should send an urgent message to this effect to both the Government and rebel parties, and to all states that have particular influence on them.
Meanwhile, I regret to report that the security situation in Darfur continues to deteriorate, despite the ceasefire agreements signed earlier in N'Djamena and now reinforced in Abuja. Both the Government and its militias as well as the rebel groups have breached these agreements. This has made humanitarian work by the UN and our partners precarious and difficult, if not impossible. Many innocent civilians continue to suffer as a result. This cannot be allowed to continue. The strongest warning to all the parties that are causing this suffering is essential. We cannot allow impunity.
When crimes on such a scale are being committed, and a sovereign state appears unable or unwilling to protect its own citizens, a grave responsibility falls on the international community, and specifically on this Council.
So far, you have chosen to exercise that responsibility by demanding compliance with your mandatory resolutions, while giving your full support to the efforts of the African Union mediation and monitoring mission.
The African Union mission has begun to deploy, and has already achieved some successes. It now needs to move rapidly into the areas of Darfur where people are most in danger; and for that it urgently requires means of transport, as well as financial and logistical support. All member states with the capacity to do so must give the maximum possible support, so that the AU force, including the essential police contingent, can deploy swiftly and mount an effective operation on the ground.
Mr. President,
I have spoken of the need for a comprehensive approach. Only a comprehensive political solution for the Sudan as a whole offers any longer-term hope of stability in the country. It is therefore time to convince the Government and its future partner, the SPLM, to conclude the Naivasha process, and quickly involve all Sudanese stakeholders – the Government and armed and non-armed opposition groups – in a national conference to discuss the future governance of the country. We – the United Nations, the African Union, and the whole international community – should join our efforts to help plan and support that process. The UN, through my Special Representative and other technical staff, in partnership with members of the IPF and Troika, will continue to do everything we can to assist the IGAD mediation and the parties to bring about a quick and successful completion of the Naivasha negotiations.
Mr. President,
For far too long war has inflicted misery and untold human suffering on Sudan, distorting the allocation of scarce resources, discouraging foreign aid, and scaring away both Sudanese and foreign investors.
Peace can turn this situation around. Already we in the United Nations are preparing a major, multidimensional operation to help build a lasting peace, and many donor countries have indicated their readiness to help the Sudanese realize a tangible peace dividend. But first, agreements must be finalized, and signed. Your engagement must impart a new sense of urgency to all the Sudanese parties.
By meeting here in the region, you have made an important gesture of solidarity and support for the peoples and institutions of the new Africa. It is good that you choose to work through African institutions , provided you do not forget that this Council in itself retains primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, as laid down in the Charter. What is happening in Sudan – and in other African countries on your agenda, such as Cote d'Ivoire – is a grave challenge not only to Africa but to all humanity. The United Nations must be fully engaged in helping meet it.
Thank you, Mr. President.
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matthew FARIS
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست