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 Oped N.Y.Times, البشير و الحلول الافريقية الفاشلة
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ترجمة العنوان منى و ليست دقيقة.
An African Answer to African Problems
By EUSEBIUS MCKAISER
JOHANNESBURG — If only I could be a Malawian citizen for a day. Then I could brag that my country’s new leader, President Joyce Banda, is doing the right thing by warning Sudanese leader Omar al-Bashir that he’ll be arrested if he sets foot in Malawi. In honoring the arrest warrant that the International Criminal Court has issued against Bashir for crimes against humanity — and showing basic respect for human rights and international law — she stands virtually alone among African leaders.
You’d think she’d get credit for that. After all, governments across the continent have been keen to demonstrate to the international community that they have the capacity and the political will to guarantee human rights across the region. Yet the Zimbabwean politician Jonathan Moyo, a close ally of President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe (who no doubt fears his day in court), has accused Banda of bowing to pressure from international donors.
The A.U., for its part, is simply protecting Bashir. This is the continent-wide, 54-member-strong body that often moans — as it did during the Libyan crisis last year — that the West should allow it to design and implement “African solutions for African problems.” The slogan has a nice ring to it and, indeed, ought to be taken seriously: patronizing Western powers should not usurp Africans’ right to self-determination and governance. But is the A.U. capable? Earlier this month, to avoid creating diplomatic tensions among its members, the A.U. decided to move a crucial summit from Malawi to Ethiopia, from one country where Bashir risked being arrested to another where he was guaranteed not to be.
Ahmed Jallanzo/European Pressphoto AgencyJoyce Banda, President of Malawi.
Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah/ReutersSudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir.
This unwillingness to arrest al-Bashir is mindboggling, especially when it comes from the 33 African countries that are signatories of the I.C.C. Chad, Djibouti and Kenya, for example, have all failed to arrest Bashir when he was in their territory. My own country, South Africa, remains callously ambivalent on the issue, asserting a willingness to respect the I.C.C.’s arrest warrant but secretly hoping that the African Union might yet manage to get the warrant revoked. (It is not clear, however, how the I.C.C.’s chief prosecutor will be persuaded to back off.) This diplomatic ambiguity has led to absurdities like the South African government inviting Bashir to President Jacob Zuma’s inauguration but secretly advising him to not attend.
This shows a shocking lack of commitment to human rights all the more so because one of the features that was supposed to differentiate the A.U. from its weak predecessor, the Organization of African Union, was its commitment to “the responsibility to protect,” which requires A.U. members to protect the human rights of people who are being abused by their own governments. The A.U.’s opposition to Bashir’s arrest also undermines the organization’s own case that it is capable — and deserving — of taking charge of its own political destiny.
http://latitude.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/06/20/...-problems/?src=rechp
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Zakaria Joseph
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تويتر
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