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 اجتماع الجبهة المتحدة للتحرير والتنمية بمبعوث الأمم المتحدة
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United Front for Liberation & Development (UFLD)
Meeting with UN & AU Representatives
The UFLD leadership met in the Eritrean capital, Asmara, on Sunday July 22nd 2007, with Mr. Pekka Haavisto, Senior Adviser to the UN Special Envoy for Darfur and Ambassador Sam Ebok of the AU; and, expressed to them appreciation for the efforts of their respective organizations. Moreover the Front renewed its support to the Arusha meeting for Darfurian opposition, facilitated by the UN, AU, regional initiative partners (Chad, Eritrea and Libya) and the SPLM, to coordinate views, positions, mechanisms and decide on the structure of negotiations with the government.
In an attempt to expedite an end of Darfur crisis and the search for a just, comprehensive and lasting settlement, the Front demanded equal representation for all movements participating in Arusha. In taking this principled position, the UFLD set aside the advantage of its own political and military weight of broad and diverse ethnic representation, in addition to, command over about eighty percent of the forces on the ground. In short, the UFLD reflects a new and changed balance of power in Darfur, and welcomes any assessment mission from the UN, AU and the three neighboring states of the regional initiative, to verify this shifting equilibrium of military forces.
After assuring both envoys that the UFLD have developed a common strategy for negotiations with the government and an action plan for the success of Arusha, the Front leaders expressed concern about the UN and AU general handling of Darfur question, and detailed their disapproval of the unrealistic and unjustifiable importance attached to individuals over organizations, warning against such policies that can only waste resources and undermine efforts to address the root causes of the crisis. Apart from obscuring the essence of the unfolding new realities in Darfur, such approaches renders the peace process hostage to self centered individuals with inflated egos, who are more concerned with personal gain than the plight of displaced citizens and refugees, or the future stability of Darfur, the Sudan and the larger region.
Finally, the UFLD called on the UN, AU and their partners the three states of the regional initiative to honor the Tripoli II resolution barring new or parallel initiatives for unifying the Darfurian opposition. Such plans are still being floated under a variety of labels, ranging from merging SLA factions or holding conferences for field commanders. Firstly, giving primacy to personalities over organizations undermines every effort at institution building and weakens the political and negotiating capacity of the resistance movements. Secondly, that policy violates most elementary organizational by-laws which invariably stipulate that issues of internal structures must not be handled by third parties from outside. However, if the movements approve, then whatever conflicts or other disagreements that may exist between or within organizations can be thrashed out and discussed openly during the Arusha meeting.
UFLD Information Office,
Asmara, July 23rd 2007.
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 Re: اجتماع الجبهة المتحدة للتحرير والتنمية بمبعوث الأمم المتحدة (Re: Nazar Yousif)
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الجبهة المتحدة للتحرير والتنمية
لقاء قيادة الجبهة المتحدة بممثلي الامم المتحدة والأتحاد الافريقي.
إلتقت بالعاصمة الاريترية أسمرا يوم أمس الاحد الموافق 22 يوليو 2007 ظهراً قيادة الجبهة المتحدة للتحرير والتنمية، بالسيد بـكا هافيستو مساعد المبعوث الخاص للأمين العام للأمم المتحدة والسفير سام إيبوك ممثل الاتحاد الافريقي،.
هذا وقد عبرت الجبهة عن ترحيبها بمجهودات المنظمتين الدولية والإقليمية، كما جددت دعمها لملتقي أروشا للمعارضة الدارفورية بمشاركة الأمم المتحدة والإتحاد الأفريقي ودول الجوار (تشاد، ليبيا وإرتريا) والحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان لتقريب وجهات نظر المعارضة ومواقفها التفاوضية والإتفاق حول شكل وآليات التفاوض مع الحكومة بهدف إيجاد حل عادل وشامل ودائم لقضية دارفور.
هذا وقد ضمّنت الجبهة رؤيتها للمشاركة المتساوية لكافة الحركات في ملتقي أروشا، على الرغم من أنها تشكل 80%. وذلك بعد الأخذ في الإعتبار موازين القوى الجديدة على الأرض في دارفور. وأبدت الجبهة إستعدادها لتكوين وفد من الأمم المتحدة والإتحاد الإفريقي ودول الجوار الثلاث للتأكد من ذلك الواقع المتغير في الميدان الدارفوري. كما أكدت قيادة الجبهة المتحدة بأنها أكملت موقفها التفاوضي المشترك لبدء المفاوضات وكذلك خطتها وأجندتها لإنجاح ملتقى أروشا.
كما وجهت الجبهة صوت لوم للإتحاد الإفريقي والأمم المتحدة لأعطاء وزن غير واقعي ولا مبرر للأفراد والشخصيات في التعاطي مع قضية دارفور، وحذرت من أن اتباع نهج من هذا القبيل سوف ينحرف بالقضية ويدفع بها بإتجاه معالجة سطحية للأزمة وليس محتواها. كما أن هذا النهج يرهن عمليات السلام ومسيرتها بأفراد همهم الأول المناصب والمكاسب الشخصية علي حساب معاناة اللاجئين والنازحين، ومستقبل إستقرار دارفور والسودان والاقليم بأسره.
وفي ذات الوقت طالبت الجبهة أن تتحمل الأمم المتحدة والإتحاد الإفريقي ودول الجوار الثلاث مسئوليتهم في إيقاف المبادرات المتعددة لجمع المعارضة في دارفور والتي تأتي بمسميات عديدة، تارة تحت إسم توحيد حركة تحرير السودان، وتارة أخري تحت لآفتة توحيد القادة الميدانيين، وذلك إلتزاماُ بقرار ملتقي طرابلس الثاني. على أن تعالج التباينات التنظيمية وغيرها عبر ملتقي أروشا، لآنه وفي نهاية المطاف لا يستقيم تنظيمياً أو لائحياً قيام طرف ثالث ـ أياً كان ـ بمهام هي من صميم مسئولية التنظيمات المعنية.
مكتب إعلام الجبهة المتحدة للتحرير والتنمية
أسمرا، في 23 يوليو 2007
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Re: اجتماع الجبهة المتحدة للتحرير والتنمية بمبعوث الأمم المتحدة (Re: Nazar Yousif)
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لك التقدير يانزار،
فهنالك دائما بصيص أمل.
Darfur could set an example of an arrangement that would save Sudan and bring a comprehensive peac.
An arrangement whereby a broad leadership group of Darfuris, including all the groups mentioned in our reports (posted at www.weaveresofthewind.org, NOT just rebel leaders, established an interim administration in Darfur that was backed up by a no-fly zone and whatever outside ground troops were needed, could be the first step. The representatives of this new administration could then negotiate with Khartoum about national income distribution, transportation systems, and justice matters. The key, of course, is that Khartoum be EXCLUDED from these initial broad organizational meetings of rebels, Diaspora leaders, leaders who have emerged in the camps, Darfuris from Kht and the East, Rizeigat sheikhs and other Darfuri Arab leaders, janjaweed leaders, and others.
The Taliban were excluded from the meeting in Bonn in Nov-Dec 2001, after all. And at least one of the UN officials who helped make that German gathering a successful meeting has promised us he would help make sure that a "Darfuri Bonn" did not degenerate into an Abuja.
To get Khartoum to acquiesce in that kind of meeting, the only kind that could produce a long-term settlement such as Dave Mozersky envisions here, will probably take the simultaneous imposition of a no-fly zone and the targeted personal and economic sanctions long advocated by the ICG, the ENOUGH project, STAND, and others.
Humanitarian organizations worry that Khartoum, in response, would cut off all flights from Khartoum (where many of their planes load up) and shut down much of their operation. Intervening governments should thus assist them in beefing up the supply network anchored in Abéché (Chad), Nigeria (overland), and Libya. They should supply these governments with estimates of what tonnage will be required to supply victims and their own aidworkers. A Berlin Airlift for Darfur (and Chadians, too) until Khartoum decides to deal for real.
The recent changes in EU/French/American relations with Libya could mean that Libya would cooperate in such an exercise. Plugging in Richard Branson;s "Elders,"* which includes Nelson Mandela, who has considerable influence with Khaddafi, might also help in this case.
Once other regions who have suffered from Khartoum's policies see that Darfur has a significant degree of genuine autonomy, and that international would-be interveners have overcome their risk-aversion and their willing self-deception that Khartoum would ever allow a UN-AU hybrid force to do anything to end the radical diminishing of peoples and cultures that Bashir's regime has perpetrated there, these folks in the East, Kordofan, Nubia, Nuba Mountains, and elsewhere may be ready to start dealing themselves.
Sudan might move to a genuine federalism as opposed to the phony federalism they have played with in the past. But it will take a willingness of outsiders to risk political, human, and economic assets in order to accomplish this. And so far not a single country has shown an interest in taking such a risk. Merely to end a genocide.
*Desmond Tutu, Jimmy Carter, Kofi Annan, Mary Robinson and others.
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Nazar Yousif
Khalid Kodi
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست