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 Re: ثورة قناة العربية (Re: خضر الطيب)
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اركز يا امنجى الداخل باسم فدوى ( الفريش)
هذا الخبر على موقع قناة روسيا اليوم
Quote:
أشتون تأسف لاستخدام العنف ضد المتظاهرين السودانيين
أعربت الممثلة العليا للشؤون الخارجية في الإتحاد الأوروبي كاثرين آشتون عن أسفها إزاء استخدام العنف من جانب قوات الأمن السودانية ضد المتظاهرين.
ودعت آشتون إلى ضرورة الإفراج الفوري عن المتظاهرين السلميين الذين تم احتجازهم، وناشدت قوات الأمن السودانية بضبط النفس وتجنب استخدام القوة.
وحثت آشتون حكومة السودان على احترام حقوق السودانيين في حرية التعبير والتجمع، مشددة على ضرورة إقامة حوار وطني شامل لتلبية احتياجات وتطلعات جميع المواطنين في البلاد.
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دا واحد تانى
اعفصى هنا عفصك قندرانى :
http://storify.com/rodrigodavies/sudanrevolts-in-pictures
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Daniel SolomonStudent, Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service
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As Sudan Revolts, Building a New Future for Darfur
Posted: 07/02/2012 2:34 pm
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Throughout the past two weeks, an emerging, dynamic protest movement has spread across Sudan, challenging the National Congress Party's (NCP) waning grip on political authority. In addition to #SudanRevolts' domestic uprising, Khartoum confronts internal schisms and a three-front military conflict -- violence in Darfur, Sudan's South Kordofan and Blue Nile states, and with South Sudan threatens civilian security and livelihoods. As the NCP's hold loosens, Sudan's future looks increasingly uncertain; the Sudanese regime's structure, character and identity are in flux, and Khartoum's relationship with marginalized communities in Darfur, the border states, and eastern Sudan remains unresolved.
Mass atrocities have continued in Darfur, despite the gradual de-escalation of the NCP's counterinsurgency campaign: Khartoum restricts essential humanitarian access to the region, while indiscriminate bombings and government-backed militia attacks against civilian population centers persist. Most internally displaced populations have not returned home, and have struggled to construct new communities in exile. And yet, in areas of relative stability, the foundations of reconstruction have begun to emerge. As Jeffrey Gettleman indicated in February, and groups on the ground have confirmed, refugees have trickled back to Darfur, slowly developing a basis for resilient, sustainable renewal.
El-Malam, outside the Darfuri city of Nyala, is the life-blood of Darfur's reconstruction. Before the war, el-Malam functioned as a regional center for cultural, economic, and commercial prosperity. At the nexus of Nyala and el-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, el-Malam operated a vibrant market, an impressive network of primary schools, and a sustained base of health services. Unfortunately for el-Malam's residents, the town also emerged as a strategic hub; as the Darfur's civil war escalated, and Darfuri rebel forces consolidated their hold over the town, el-Malam quickly became a target of successive, destructive attacks by government-sponsored militias.
As Darfur's regional conflict ebbed, giving way to localized, intercommunal conflict, opportunities for reconciliation began to emerge. Last November, the Institute for Sustainable Peace (ISP), a U.S.-based conflict resolution program, organized a multi-week reconciliation workshop, seeking to build common ground between formerly-embattled Fur and Bin Masour leaders, as well as members of el-Malam's displaced community. The el-Malam project crafted an immediate forum for peace building, as well as a long-term framework for sustained reconciliation; ISP's workshop participants developed a list of community priorities for reconstruction, including the restoration of el-Malam's vibrant market culture, youth education and empowerment, and irrigation infrastructure.
In the months since the ISP workshop, the el-Malam community has been hard at work, transforming the reconstruction plan into a tangible reality. In many ways, the el-Malam project represents a vision for a restored, inclusive Sudan: local and regional officials, displaced communities, and an emergent civil society each play an integral role in planning el-Malam's development projects and ensuring continued security. Two months ago, I dropped by a BBQ with a couple of project participants in the Sudanese-American community. The group is a diverse assortment of diaspora members from Darfur, South Sudan, Khartoum, and across the Middle East -- truly, a microcosm of John Garang's "new Sudan" in practice.
As a national popular protest movement re-emerges, there's a new wave of fresh good-news stories developing in Sudan. In Darfur, the el-Malam project is building one more.
نيويورك تايمز
MEMO FROM AFRICA
Dissent Sprouts in Sudan, but It May Not Be Arab Spring
By JEFFREY GETTLEMAN
Published: July 5, 2012
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NAIROBI, Kenya — They call it “licking your elbow,” a reference to pulling off the impossible.
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European Pressphoto Agency
The scene in Khartoum, Sudan, last month after protesters clashed with the police, left. Opposition to the government there is on the rise.
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In the past few weeks, from the sweltering streets of Khartoum, the capital, to the usually quiet riverine town of Atbara, hundreds, possibly thousands, of Sudanese protesters have braved police batons and tear gas to rail against the government.
Their placards read “Down, Down Military Rule,” and they shout, “No, no, to high prices!” prompting a fierce crackdown from riot police officers who have routinely swatted the protesters in the head and have even shot tear gas into hospital courtyards, making some patients go into seizures.
All this raises the question: Is the Arab Spring sweeping into Sudan?
It seems much of the kindling is already there: a repressive, autocratic regime that has been in power 23 years; a dire economic crisis; heavily armed insurrection in several corners of the country; and a fired-up protest movement that goes beyond the usual suspects of students and unemployed youths to shopkeepers and housewives, all willing to literally take a beating.
Add to that the regional writing on the wall. In both Egypt, to the north, and Libya, to the northwest, popular anger (along with NATO airstrikes in Libya’s case) eventually toppled longstanding dictators. Beyond that, Sudan has a history of popular revolts bringing down governments. It happened in 1964 and in 1985.
But many Sudan experts are skeptical that Sudan’s government, led by President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, who seized power in a military coup in 1989, is about to fall.
For starters, even though he is quickly running out of money to pay his troops, raising the prospects of a military mutiny, Mr. Bashir has fashioned a devious Plan B to hang on, said Andrew S. Natsios, a former American special envoy to Sudan and the author of a recent book on the country. According to Mr. Natsios, Mr. Bashir has built a force of as many as 30,000 special security troops, drawing significantly from his own Arab tribe, with underground barracks and hidden arsenals, who are ready to “defend the regime street by street” as a last line of defense.
Mr. Natsios thinks there is a strong chance that Mr. Bashir’s forces, if really tested, would try to make Sudan ungovernable and that militant Islamists could then take over.
“I am not optimistic on where Northern Sudan is headed right now — whether the N.C.P. falls or not,” he said, referring to Mr. Bashir’s National Congress Party.
E. J. Hogendoorn, the Horn of Africa project director for the International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based organization that studies conflict, said that while the new round of protests felt different and revolutionary pressure was definitely building, a few crucial pieces were still missing.
“Unlike in Egypt, as of yet, the Sudanese lack an organized and disciplined party, like the Muslim Brotherhood, that can form the core of the protest movement,” he said.
John O. Voll, a professor of Islamic history at Georgetown University and longtime Sudan specialist, said the Sudanese military had so far refused to side openly with the protesters, which was the decisive factor in regime change in 1964 and 1985.
The protesters are not giving up, though they are the first ones to admit their movement is rather ad hoc. “The protests are not organized,” said a young woman named Mona, who did not want to be identified fully out of concern of arrest. “These are the people of Sudan who got fed up with the system.”
She added: “I’m a Sudanese girl and I’m proud of my nationality. I know how rich my country is in terms of natural resources. I deserve a good life.”
Last year, students in Khartoum used Facebook and other social media to catalyze relatively small protests, which were promptly crushed. But a few weeks ago, students at the University of Khartoum rose up again, and this time the unrest spread deep into middle-class neighborhoods where people blocked roads with burning tires. Next came what the protesters called Sandstorm Friday on June 22 and then Licking the Elbow Friday on June 29, Friday being the day of prayer, the easiest time to mobilize people to hit the streets.
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/06/world/afric..._r=2&ref=global-home
The Sudanese Stand Up
The best way to help the protesters in Sudan? Cover the story.
BY CHRISTIAN CARYL | JUNE 27, 2012
What's happening in Sudan is nothing short of amazing. This is the country that has been ruled since 1989 by President Omar al-Bashir -- the man who faces a global arrest warrant after being charged with war crimes by the International Criminal Court for his country's exterminationist policies in Darfur. This is a guy who was willing to kill millions of his compatriots -- and not only Darfuris -- in order to keep himself in power. Now, thousands of Sudanese are taking to the streets to defy him and his regime. Many have already disappeared into torture chambers for their efforts.
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You could be forgiven if you hadn't noticed. Western media coverage has been thin. CNN aired just a few grainy videos -- which is actually pretty commendable, considering that even the New York Times can't bring itself to do more than printing a few terse Reuters dispatches. (Unless you count their excellent blog The Lede, which finally brought out a good piece on the protests late yesterday.)
But there are a few news organizations that have been doing their best to report on the developing situation: the BBC, Bloomberg, and Agence France-Presse. It's surely no coincidence that some of their correspondents have run into trouble with the authorities. On Tuesday the Sudanese authorities deported Salma El Wardany, a Bloomberg reporter who was arrested by the security services for several hours last week. An AFP journalist was also detained by the police until Western diplomats intervened on his behalf.
The Sudanese government has very good reasons for targeting the handful of foreign journalists in Khartoum. How the outside world covers the uprising in Sudan -- billed by some as the latest installment of the Arab Spring -- will have a major impact on what happens there next.
That was the most important takeaway from my conversation this week with Yousif Elmahdi, a young oppositionist in the Sudanese capital of Khartoum. His activism really began in January 2011, when the Tunisian uprising first inspired Sudanese students to demonstrate against the Bashir government. Elmahdi was arrested and tortured by Bashir's secret police. This time around he's decided to confine his protest to the realm of social media rather than participate directly in the protests, but he has no illusions about what's likely to happen next. After our conversation he sent me a text:
Thank you -- I'm going to eventually get detained anyway if this thing increases so I'm trying to do as much as I can in the meantime without doing anything crazy to hasten the arrest.
And yet he was willing to let me use his name. That says something important, I think, about the grit of the people behind the protest movement now under way in Africa's third-largest country.
The current wave of unrest was started by women. On June 15, a group of female students at the University of Khartoum launched a public protest against drastic hikes in the prices of food and public transportation. Their male classmates joined them, and together they marched into the center of the city, where they were met by the combined forces of the police and the infamous National Intelligence and Security Service, who attacked the demonstrators with tear gas and iron rods. Courts have sentenced some of the detainees to lashes -- in some cases as many as 60.
But this failed to stop the revolt, which soon spread to other universities in Khartoum and then outside of the capital. Since then there have been demonstrations around the country, including places as far afield as Omdurman and Kasala. And the protests are no longer only about the high cost of living -- contrary to some of those headlines about "austerity protests." In the eastern town of Gedaref, members of the crowd chanted, "the people want to overthrow the regime" -- the mantra of the Tunisian and Egyptian protesters. Observers say that political demands have come to the forefront as the demonstrations have progressed.
Bashir responded by declaring that his government would push ahead with planned price rises. He denounced the demonstrators as a few criminal malcontents under foreign guidance and vowed to unleash his "jihadis" on anyone who persisted in taking to the streets. That last threat was enough to send a chill through many Sudanese, who understood Bashir to be referring to the Popular Defense Forces, a fanatical Arab militia with a particular record of viciousness in Sudan's myriad civil wars. "These are the people we'll see if this thing really spirals out of control," says Elmahdi. "These are the people who will shoot on sight."
Simple fear might explain why the demonstrations in Khartoum itself have ebbed somewhat over the past few days (though they're still going on). Yet the protests have continued unabated in other parts of the country. And it's not like the Sudanese are inexperienced. They take great pride in their past revolts against unpopular leaders.
So far, however, Sudan has not found its Tahrir Square. The demonstrations have been widely dispersed, usually amounting to a few hundred people at a time -- apparently a conscious tactic to avoid reprisals by the security forces. There's a risk of atomization. People won't keep it up if they think they're the only ones.
Hence the importance of the media. Most Sudanese rely on outside sources for their news. By far the most popular outlet is the Qatari-financed satellite TV broadcaster Al Jazeera. But there's a problem: The Qataris are friendly with the Bashir regime, and so Al Jazeera's Arabic programming has been notably coy in its reporting. For the first few days Al Jazeera barely deigned to mention the demonstrations. Saudi-owned Al Arabiya has been notably more forthcoming, but not as many Sudanese watch it. Elmahdi credits Al Arabiya -- as well as Arabic radio broadcasts from the BBC, Radio Monte Carlo, and U.S.-financed Radio Sawa -- with pressuring the Qataris to provide more balanced coverage of the events. But there's still a ways to go. "Ultimately it's Al Jazeera that's going to make or break this," says Elmahdi. That may be a bit of an exaggeration, but only a bit.
Media coverage, of course, not only connects the Sudanese with each other but also imposes at least some constraints on Bashir, who has shown a certain degree of sensitivity to international criticisms of his government. Oppositionists have organized an information campaign around the Twitter hashtag #SudanRevolts to boost international attention to the protests. (Even in this impoverished country, it turns out, there are many Sudanese who can access the internet through their mobile phones, though few have computers.) Still, the activists are under no illusions: Social media, they say, still can't compete with good old-fashioned TV.
The worst thing the West can do, according to Elmahdi, would be to impose additional sanctions on Sudan, which merely tend to rally people around the regime. By far the most effective means of ratcheting up the pressure, he says, would be to help the Sudanese get a clear picture of what their own government is doing to its citizens.
Western countries can help. Governments that sponsor Arabic-language news broadcasts should step up their coverage wherever possible and boost signals to ensure that more Sudanese can receive their programming. Perhaps they could even lobby the governments in Riyadh and Doha to beam more footage into Sudan. (And along the way, Washington and Brussels could tactfully point out to the Chinese that having a new leader in Khartoum might enable the oil from South Sudan to flow again. Bashir's negotiations with the year-old government in Juba about bringing the South's oil to market clearly aren't going anywhere.)
Meanwhile, editors at the big Western media outlets should send more reporters to illuminate the latest events in Sudan -- and not because that would support budding democrats. Quite simply, there's a huge story in the making here. Omar al-Bashir is now Africa's longest-serving autocrat. Like Qaddafi, he's been the instigator of countless conflicts -- not only against his own citizens in places like Darfur or South Kordofan, but also among his neighbors. (He even lent his support to Joseph Kony, the leader of Uganda's Lord's Resistance Army.) His fall would offer the opportunity of a fresh start not only to Sudan but to an entire region. Surely that's a story worth covering.
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/06...tian_caryl?page=full
دا غيض من فيض عن اخبار ثورة الشرفاء بالسودان
رسلوها للمعتوه الانتهازى محمد محمد خير بتاعكم دا يترجما ليك
جهلة متخلفين
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الكاتب |
Date |
 ثورة قناة العربية | فدوى الشريف | 07-05-12, 01:15 PM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | فدوى الشريف | 07-07-12, 07:54 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | خضر الطيب | 07-07-12, 08:43 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | فدوى الشريف | 07-07-12, 08:54 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | خضر الطيب | 07-07-12, 09:06 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | خضر الطيب | 07-07-12, 09:17 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | Abdelmoniem ALHAJ | 07-07-12, 09:18 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | Tragie Mustafa | 07-07-12, 09:26 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | فدوى الشريف | 07-07-12, 09:22 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | خضر الطيب | 07-07-12, 10:24 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | خضر الطيب | 07-07-12, 01:56 PM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | خضر الطيب | 07-08-12, 10:49 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | خضر الطيب | 07-08-12, 10:50 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | خضر الطيب | 07-10-12, 02:26 PM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | Bushra Elfadil | 07-10-12, 03:16 PM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | خضر الطيب | 07-11-12, 08:18 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | فدوى الشريف | 07-11-12, 09:15 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | معاذ حسن | 07-11-12, 09:24 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | فدوى الشريف | 07-11-12, 09:35 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | محمد طه نوح | 07-11-12, 10:16 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | خضر الطيب | 07-11-12, 10:38 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | قاسم المهداوى | 07-11-12, 10:58 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | فدوى الشريف | 07-19-12, 11:29 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | الشفيع وراق عبد الرحمن | 07-19-12, 11:56 AM |
| Re: ثورة قناة العربية | فدوى الشريف | 07-19-12, 12:12 PM |
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