مراسلات السفارة الامريكية فى الخرطوم دون تنقيح فى وثائق ويكيليكس

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09-05-2011, 08:54 PM

محمد عثمان الحاج

تاريخ التسجيل: 02-01-2005
مجموع المشاركات: 3514

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20 عاما من العطاء و الصمود
مكتبة سودانيزاونلاين
Re: مراسلات السفارة الامريكية فى الخرطوم دون تنقيح فى وثائق ويكيليكس (Re: محمد عثمان الحاج)

    وثيقة تبين كيف أن صلاح غوش حاول تخويف الأمريكان من المتطرفين الإسلاميين فيما لو مضت محاولات إدانة البشير أمام المحكمة الجنائية الدولية للأمام، وبعد أن رأينا كيف أن الناتو تحالف مع جماعة جهادية متطرفة لها صلة بالقاعدة هي الجماعة الليبية المقاتلة من أجل إسقاط القذافي، هل لا تزال هذه الفزاعة تعمل؟



    http://wikileaks.org/origin/124_41.html

    C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 KHARTOUM 001417

    SIPDIS

    DEPARTMENT FOR A/S FRAZER, S/E WILLIAMSON, AND AF/SPG
    NSC FOR PITTMAN AND HUDSON
    ADDIS ABABA FOR USAU

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/18/2018
    TAGS: ASEC PGOV PREL KPKO UN AU SU
    SUBJECT: SUDANESE INTEL CHIEF WORRIED ABOUT ISLAMIC
    RADICALS IF ICC ISSUES ARREST WARRANT AGAINST PRESIDENT
    BASHIR

    REF: KHARTOUM 1405

    Classified By: CDA Alberto M. Fernandez, for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d)

    ¶1. (C) Summary: The GOS will be hard-pressed to control the
    actions of Islamic radicals in Sudan if the ICC issues an
    arrest warrant against President Bashir, NISS Chief Salah
    Ghosh told CDA Fernandez September 17. Ghosh clarified that
    he did not tell French Presidential Advisor Bruno Joubert
    that the GOS would "unleash" radicals against western
    interests in Sudan if an arrest warrant is issued, but rather
    that it would be increasingly difficult for the GOS to
    control them and would even be challenged to protect itself
    against extremist groups, who would question why the regime
    is cooperating with the West if an arrest warrant is issued
    despite such cooperation. On Darfur, Ghosh said that he and
    Vice President Taha met with representatives of SLM leader
    Minni Minawi September 17 to discuss ways of bringing Minawi
    back into the GNU and requested US assistance to encourage
    Minawi to return to Khartoum. Regarding UNAMID deployment,
    CDA Fernandez encouraged Ghosh to press the regime to allow
    Ethiopian and Egyptian peacekeepers to drive overland
    directly into Darfur to facilitate their rapid deployment.
    End summary.

    Controlling Islamic Radicals in Sudan
    -------------------------------------

    ¶2. (C) National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS)
    Chief Salah Ghosh told CDA Fernandez (accompanied by Station
    Chief and polchief) September 17 that the regime will have a
    difficult time controlling radical Islamic extremist groups
    in Sudan if the ICC issues an arrest warrant against
    President Bashir. Ghosh clarified that he did not tell
    French Presidential Advisor Bruno Joubert that the regime
    would "unleash" radicals against Western interests in Sudan
    if an arrest warrant is issued, as the French and some other
    diplomats have been saying. He noted that he had explained
    this to Joubert in Arabic and Joubert's translator had put it
    into French so NISS had no idea that such an alarming
    misinterpretation was making the rounds. He asked that the
    Americans "correct the record" with any misinformed Europeans
    and added that he had told EU Special Representative Torben
    Brylle, who speaks English, the accurate account. Ghosh
    said the NISS currently keeps close tabs on Islamic radical
    "cells" (he avoided using the term "terrorists") and meets
    regularly with them. Ghosh said he personally has met with
    these extremists in prison as well as others at the mosques
    in order to "change their minds."

    ¶3. (C) Ghosh said that the regime had been successful in
    turning many potential jihadists away from violent action
    although they still held extreme views without actually
    committing any crime. "We told them that real jihad is
    organized fighting in defense of the country," so war with
    Israel or with Chad would be jihad, but not targeting South
    Sudan or diplomats or peacekeepers accepted by Sudan. "The
    best way is to convince the cells to change their behavior,"
    said Ghosh, but if there is an arrest warrant against
    President Bashir "we will lose control" of the situation and
    of monitoring these groups and it will be increasingly
    "difficult to take care of security since we will be focused
    on protecting our own leaders." He noted that two of the
    members of a terrorist cell that killed US Embassy staff on
    January 1 had roots in the regime's "Islamic Movement" but he
    feared that a polarized political situation would turn such a
    trickle into a torrent and sweep away the regime.

    ¶4. (C) Ghosh said that Islamic extremists will become
    increasingly radicalized if there is an arrest warrant
    against the President and will ask "what has the CIA done for
    you? Why are we cooperating? Let's go to Jihad." Ghosh
    pointed out that President Bashir, FVP Salva Kiir, and he
    himself have already been identified as the top potential
    targets by the busted Al-Qa'ida in the Land of the Two Niles
    (AQTN) group of August 2007 due to perceived cooperation with
    the West. Ghosh said the regime recognizes that "the ICC is
    a political game" and that "the Save Darfur lobby is trying
    to mobilize against us. Those are our enemies, we have no
    other enemies, certainly not the United States." Ghosh
    warned that an ICC indictment against the President "will be

    KHARTOUM 00001417 002 OF 003


    the start of a direct clash between us and the international
    community." To avoid this, Ghosh urged greater engagement
    between Sudan and the US and expressed hope for "greater
    confidence" between the NCP and the USG. Politicians in the
    US are harsh with the NCP and count our faults, never looking
    for the positive, while the US is always willing to overlook
    the defects of the SPLM in spite of corruption in the GOSS,
    complained Ghosh. "We need close engagement if you want to
    help us," urged Ghosh. He readily admitted that Sudan has
    made many mistakes and needs to accommodate fully American
    concerns about UNAMID deployment, a peace process and
    American humanitarian concerns in Darfur.

    ¶5. (C) Ghosh said that he is committed fully to
    counter-terrorism cooperation despite the pressure of some
    politicians in the regime to stop it. If they end cooperation
    with the U.S. "I will leave my position," he noted, as he
    believed that both countries benefited from this. He made a
    particular point of emphasizing the practical value of this
    link as a means of bilateral communication between the GOS
    and USG. He added that he understood Washington's suspicion
    of the NCP, "you think they have too much power and you would
    like to see them cut down to size." "We know that you are
    for using the political process to weaken them some, using
    your friends like the SPLM and other parties." This is
    politics and it is reasonable, "that is the way the political
    game is played whether in Sudan or America." He would like
    to see monthly meetings with the Charge because "this is very
    useful to speak honestly and clearly to each other."

    Ghosh and VP Taha Meet with SLM/Minawi Representatives
    --------------------------------------------- ---------

    ¶6. (C) Ghosh said that he and VP Ali Osman Taha had just met
    with SLM/Minawi representative (and head of DPA
    implementation) Mohammed el Tijane to discuss ways of
    bringing Minawi back to Khartoum and implement the DPA.
    Ghosh requested the help of the US "to convince Minawi to
    return to Khartoum" and said that Taha might even travel to
    El Fasher to meet with Minawi to discuss DPA implementation.
    (Note: Separately, Tijane passed the same information to CDA
    and polchief at the CDA's Ramadan Iftar at the Rotana Hotel
    in Khartoum September 17 and to AF/SPG TDYoff later that
    evening. Tijane complained of continued attacks September 17
    by GOS forces in north Darfur outside of Khazan Tunjur but
    said that the fighting had stopped by 6:30 pm. Minawi
    himself confirmed this information to poloff in Darfur by
    satphone late the evening of September 17 and claimed that
    SLM forces routed the GOS forces and took 40 of their
    vehicles. Minawi confirmed the meetings of his
    representatives with Ghosh and Taha and questioned why Nafie
    was not involved. He also questioned the sincerity of Ghosh
    and Taha given the ongoing GOS attacks even while the regime
    was meeting with SLM officials in Khartoum. At noon on
    September 18, CDA Fernandez spoke to Minawi by satphone.
    Minnawi reported no ground fighting but a "SAF Antonov" had
    bombed near Tabit (30 miles SW of El Fasher) killing 5
    civilians working in their fields. Minawi said that he feared
    the "not only the NCP, but SAF has its factions and you agree
    with one and the other does this." He was not opposed to
    meeting Taha on Friday, September 19 but wanted tangible
    results from the meeting and guarantees against further
    attacks, and asked rhetorically "is he reaching out because
    he is going to New York and has to look like a peacemaker?"
    End note.)

    ¶7. (C) Ghosh said that the problem of Minawi "was not a deep
    one." He cheerfully admitted that some of the problems were
    created by the NCP, some were of Minawi's own creation and
    had to do with corruption, lack of capacity and ethnic
    problems between Zaghawa and non-Zaghawa. The death in a car
    accident of Darfur negotiator Magzoub al-Khalifa in July 2007
    had left a gap in relations with Minawi that the toxic Nafie
    Ali Nafie, Al-Khalifa's successor with the Darfur file, had
    not even bothered to try to fill.

    Overland Deployment of Ethiopian and Egyptian UNAMID Troops
    --------------------------------------------- --------------

    ¶8. (C) CDA Fernandez suggested to Ghosh that the regime could
    improve its image and relations with the West by allowing and

    KHARTOUM 00001417 003 OF 003


    encouraging Ethiopian and Egyptian UNAMID peacekeeping troops
    to deploy overland to Darfur (as discussed with AF/SPG
    Shortley via SVTC September 16). CDA noted that this would be
    both a tangible and a symbolic change that would enhance
    Western confidence that the regime wants to change its ways.
    Ghosh promised to consider the proposal and discuss it with
    others in the regime. CDA also noted that "if we look at
    tangible results since July, we seem to be going backwards in
    Darfur." The current military campaign, actions against IDP
    camps, such as the Kalma massacre and harassment of NGOs
    continues unabated, especially in South Darfur. Ghosh
    responded that "the problem is that South Darfur state is in
    the hands of the janjaweed," and is the stronghold of
    Darfur's Arab tribes, unlike North and West Darfur states
    where Africans serve as governor and there is less NGO
    harassment and less pressure on IDP camps. CDA Fernandez
    noted that there are Arab tribes, such as the Baggara
    Rizeigat, who refused to join in the fighting, "there has to
    be a way of ensuring order, without falling into brutality
    such as we saw in Kalma." If there was a vote today on ICC
    deferral today at the Security Council, "we would veto,
    although there is still time to change. Ghosh readily
    admitted that "we need to change."

    Comment
    -------

    ¶9. (C) Friendly and eminently open to engagement with the US
    throughout the meeting (never more so than in this particular
    meeting), Ghosh was meticulously careful to present the
    potential actions of Sudanese extremists in response to an
    ICC arrest warrant as a risk, rather than as a threat by the
    regime. The NCP is no doubt worried about keeping a lid on
    extremists, but its primary concern at the moment is
    convincing the West to help it avoid an ICC arrest warrant
    against Bashir by any means necessary. The meeting of Ghosh
    and Taha with SLM rep Tijane is a positive sign, but only if
    the regime is serious about making tangible concessions to
    Minawi in implementing more of the DPA in order to ensure his
    return to Khartoum. The continued attacks on Minawi
    simultaneous to the talks in Khartoum could be a sign that
    the regime hopes to convince Minawi by all means necessary,
    that it is entirely duplicitous, or - perhaps most alarming -
    not completely in control of events. Unfortunately it is
    likely the latter, as the regime has thus far proven itself
    incapable even of presenting the basic outlines of a possible
    solution to Darfur in its much touted Darfur People's
    Initiative (which remains an empty shell weeks after being
    announced). However the regime is under increasing pressure
    to do something on Darfur in advance of the UNGA next week
    and possible discussions of an article 16 ICC deferral in the
    following weeks, and may yet present a proposal on Darfur in
    advance of or at the UNGA, as VP Taha himself will head the
    GOS delegation in NY next week (as predicted by FM Alor in
    reftel).
    FERNANDEZ
                  

العنوان الكاتب Date
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