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 Sudanese refugees in Cairo: we'll wait here, we'll die here
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Sudanese refugees in Cairo: we'll wait here, we'll die here
A little known protest that demands global attention is taking place in a small garden in Cairo, Egypt. Sudanese refugees in Egypt, fed-up with having to endure appalling conditions and the constant abuse of their rights, have camped out near the regional office of the Cairo office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and are demanding protection from forced repatriation and protection of vulnerable groups. The protest has gained momentum after 19 days and is now estimated to include up to 1200 people. None of the protestors plan on going anywhere. “We will wait here, we will die here. We have no other place to go,” said one women
Sudanese refugees have been holding a sit-in since September 29th in front of Mustafa Mahmoud Mosque in Cairo’s Mohandiseen district, significantly situated near the regional office of the Cairo office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). After nineteen days, the demonstration continues to grow larger; one observer counted 600 men and approximately 200 children and the women numbered 400estimated around 1200 people, and refugees say that others continue to join them from as far away as Alexandria and the Sinai. Saturday, the 15th, when refugees who have work are having a day off, the numbers were doubled.
Refugees have listed at least thirteen demands, chief among them protection from forced repatriation (The demonstrators described the current option provided by UNHCR as “compulsory voluntary repatriation”) protection of vulnerable groups, the reopening of ‘closed files’ and eventual resettlement to a third country. Demonstrators point to war in Darfur, violence in Khartoum, landmines and total lack of infrastructure in the South as evidence against claims to safety and stability. They complain of high levels of discrimination and violence against their communities as well as arbitrary detentions here in Egypt. Refugees complain about arbitrary detentions and there are banners with photographs named cases of individuals killed or disappeared in this country. They are particularly disturbed about the lack of protection of unaccompanied minors, the elderly, and unsupported women who head households. They are also worried about sexual abuse of the women and children.
Until about three years ago, UNHCR rejected the majority of applicants for determination interviews, an action contrary to the provision of prima facie recognition under the 1969 OAU Convention. Consequently thousands of cases were closed under “questionable” circumstances, an institutional failure that demonstrators want rectified. Refugees at the sit-in are also worried about sexual abuse, not only of women but of their children as well. Not the least of their complaints is the treatment meted out to them by UNHCR staff, which they describe as arrogant and rude - people recall being greeted by interviewers with remarks such as “Tell me your lies” A woman from Darfur articulates her problems with Egyptians, but she is not talking about any Egyptians, she means an Egyptian woman at UNHCR. Four months ago she went to UNHCR to ask about registering her daughter for school. The UNHCR staff member took her yellow temporary protection card and her passport and has never returned them. The last time she went there to retrieve them, they were reported lost, but no attempt was made to replace even her yellow card.They also reject the notion of “integration into Egyptian society” and the new “four freedoms” legislation, enacted in 2004, which entitles Sudanese and Egyptian nationals to enter each other’s countries without a visa, hold residence, own property, and work. Accepting the four freedoms, they argue, will be tantamount to accepting the authority of the government from which they fled.
They say that black Sudanese are daily exposed to racial discrimination and are afraid to let their children play in the streets. We ourselves observed a group of teenage boystaunting and harassing the demonstrators with slurs such as “black dogs” and other epithets. The refugees are demanding they be sent to a country where they would not face discrimination.
Sudanese refugees from all parts of their country have been arriving in Egypt since the civil war began in 1983. They joined the other 3 million Sudanese migrants who have been settled here for generations. Up until 1995, Egypt operated an “open door” policy to all Sudanese, and UNHCR generally assumed it unnecessary to grant refugee status to new arrivals even though they were fleeing war and persecution. After the 1995 assassination attempt on President Mubarak in Ethiopia, presumed to be facilitated by the Sudanese government, Egypt revoked many basic privileges such as education and healthcare once enjoyed by Sudanese residents and imposed visa and residency requirements on all new arrivals.
Subsequently UNHCR began interviewing individuals to determine their refugee status. Neglecting Egypt’s signatory status to the OAU Convention and working solely under the 1951 Convention definition, interviewers applied appallingly low procedural standards in determining refugee status. (Michael Kagan, 2002, “Assessment of Refugee Status Determination Procedure at UNHCR’s Cairo Office, 2001-2002”, Working Paper No. 1, Forced Migration and Refugee Studies, The American University in Cairo.) Ironically, had the same refugees fled to Uganda or Kenya, they would have received prima facie recognition under Article 2 of the OAU Convention recognizing refugees who have fled from, among other things, civil disorder. Since most “closed files” represent people who are refugees and cannot return, they are relegated to the margins of society, have no valid documents, and risk detention and refoulement (The term refers to forcibly repatriating refugees to a country where they face persecution. The right to non-refoulement is now customary international law).
Since UNHCR has stopped conducting individual status determination interviews, they have been issuing ‘yellow cards’ indicating that the holder is an asylum seeker. A yellow card grants no rights beyond residency and, theoretically, healthcare in extreme emergencies, through CARITAS, UNHCR’s implementing partner. One interpretation of this shift is that UNHCR is rightfully encouraging the Egyptian government to recognize refugees on prima facie basis; another interpretation is that UNHCR will be able to convince all Sudanese to repatriate. The demonstrators are protesting this new arrangement and demanding that they should be individually interviewed for refugee status.
Organization of The Demonstration
A meter-high fence surrounds the park. The refugees have closed off all but one of the entrances to allow their internal security to monitor the crowd. Walkways partition the park into sections for women and children, and men. The perimeter of the park is hung with bold-lettered English and Arabic banners on which are written a variety of slogans. “Attention please: Who will restore our rights?” asks one; “We reject local integration,” and “We are the victims of mismanagement,” read others. The banners include political cartoons and special displays devoted to those who have disappeared or been killed in Egypt.
Upon entering, the deliberate and careful organizational structure inside becomes strikingly clear. All visitors are required to identify themselves to the refugee security, and sometimes to the Egyptian police as well. The refugee security officials are easily distinguished by their red vests and badges. Journalists and students are quickly ushered into the garden and introduced to a media representative who provides copies of their demands. They are then directed to different demonstrators eager to articulate their experiences and complaints; translators are readily provided.
For the large number of people in this relatively small place, the atmosphere is surprisingly tranquil. There is no shouting, just a low murmur and a few crying children set against the background of a congested Cairo street. Multi-coloured sheets are hung up to protect people from the hot midday sun. The park has been kept clean; garbage is regularly collected; mats and blankets cover the ground in a haphazard patchwork. Donations are collected from within the group and food is distributed nightly. People have access to toilets at the mosque across the street and at the homes of sympathetic friends in the area. Some leave for work and personal matters but return to keep the numbers up. Even the leaders leave in shifts.
Three times a day the group’s motivational speakers and morale builders address the group for some 45 minutes. An occasional cheer or round of applause interrupts the otherwise silent crowd that is captivated by the speaker’s commanding voice emanating from the megaphone. He reminds them to “respect this place - it is your community” and “respect the police, they are protecting us.” The speakers instruct them to ignore the people who pass by hurling insults. The demonstrators are to remain within the garden, stay orderly, and avoid violence and rowdy behaviour. The organizers know what went wrong at last year’s protest and are determined not to repeat the same mistakes (In August 2004, an Egyptian NGO, SOUTH, mobilized a group of Sudanese to protest the issue of yellow cards. A meeting was organized with UNHCR at 2p.m. but refugees began arriving at 7 a.m. Around noon, things began to turn violent, police were called and tear gas was used to disperse the crowd. Twenty Sudanese were detained.) They take rightful pride in the dignity and resolve of all who continue to weather the days in this small park, and are quietly celebratory of the unity they have found in their defiance.
The organizing force behind the demonstration calls itself Refugee Voices. According to one spokesperson, the group was "formed by accident" after three leaders of the protest attended a Human Rights and Refugee Law seminar in March. A few weeks later, these three men and some other leaders of the Sudanese community were discussing complaints being voiced by members of their refugee communities. The creation of Refugee Voices was seen as a way to compile and examine the issues facing Sudanese refugees and begin searching for solutions. By mid-September, frustrated by a lack of progress with UNHCR, they decided to take action. A list of grievances was assembled and preparations were made to deliver it to the UNHCR office to be followed by a protest if their demands were not met. This action was planned to coincide with the start of Ramadan in the opening days of October. It was ultimately moved forward after one member of the group broke ranks and, with a separate group, approached UNHCR directly with the list. In response, the others began the sit-in early - on the 29th of September - and have subsequently barred him and his friends from the demonstration.
UNHCR and the Sit-In
During the first days of the sit-in a select group of the organizers had the opportunity to meet with a UNHCR official at the Cairo office, Ahmed Mohsen, the Deputy Protection Officer. One demonstration organizer reported Mr. Mohsen as saying UNHCR is in no position to resolve their demands; “there are 58,000 Sudanese refugees in Cairo and there is no way UNHCR could possibly be there for all of them.” At another meeting, the demonstrators report UNHCR patronizingly lectured them on the 1951 UN Convention and 1969 OAU Convention. UNHCR subsequently closed its offices for the ‘foreseeable future,’ fearing possible violence. After four days of closure, they have now reopened.
Out of fear of reprisals, the refugees refused to give their names to UNHCR at the few meetings they held. There is a palpable distrust of UNHCR and little expectation that their demands will be heeded. They feel that UNHCR is not only ignoring them but undermining their rights. Therefore the demonstrators are focusing their attention more broadly. “We won’t find a solution here. We want the international community to come,” one demonstrator told us, “and bring attention to the real problem here”. Indeed, the first banner at the gates of the demonstration asks in bold English letters, “Where is the international media?”
What’s next?
So far, the only international attention that the demonstration has garnered is from the Sudanese Embassy. The protestors routinely see embassy vehicles circling the sit-in during the day, but at 3 a. m. on 15 October, four men in an embassy car stopped and began distributing alcohol among some refugees. The leaders apprehended the four men and turned them over to the police, who promptly took them away. Refugees unscrewed the rear license plate of the vehicle, and are retaining it as evidence of the encounter. More incidents like this could jeopardize the future of the demonstration, and the refugees worry about how long the police will allow them to stay. One policeman told us that the demonstration “is illegal, but we are being patient”. How long this patience will last is unclear.
When asked about future plans for the sit-in refugees appeared resolved to stay indefinitely even if UNHCR continues to refuse their demands. They say the desperation that brought them here will keep them here. “We will wait here, we will die here,” declared one woman. “We have no other place to go.”
* Refugees Voices has setup an email, [email protected], and are using a website, www.sudaneseonline.com, so that supporters can sign on.
* A continuation of this article will be featured in next week’s edition of Pambazuka News, focusing on UNHCR’s reactions to the demonstration and further developments.
* This article was written by Alex Gomez, Themba Lewis,
Martin Rowe, Assad Khalid Salih, Leslie Sander, Stacy Schafer and Helen Smith. They are students at the Forced Migration and Refugee Studies Programme in Cairo, Egypt.
2005-10-20
Photographs of the protest can be seen at http://www.flickr.com/photos/fahamu
(عدل بواسطة Salwa Seyam on 10-25-2005, 05:54 AM)
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