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 البحث عن فرقة موسيقية سودانية اختفت في المكسيك
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طلب مني احد الاصدقاء مساعدته في البحث عن اي معلومة او مرجع عن فرقة موسيقية سودانية ذهب بها محمد علي باشا الى المكسيك لتقاتل معه ضد القوات الامريكية في اواخر القرن التاسع عشر ، ولم يعد اي فرد من هذه الفرقة مرة اخرى الى السودان. انشر هذا النداء للجميع إن صحت المعلومة لتقديم اي مساعدة عن هذه الفرقة او مرجع يمكن الرجوع اليه .
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 Re: البحث عن فرقة موسيقية سودانية اختفت في المكسيك (Re: خالد العبيد)
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A Black Corps d'Elite: An Egyptian Sudanese Conscript Battalion with the French Army in Mexico, 1863-1867
by Richard Hill and Peter Hogg
I think your buddy needs to get this book
Author:
Richard Leslie Hill
Peter Hogg
Michigan State Univ Pr May, 1995 Hardcover
ISBN: 087013339X
Here is a review ..
Richard L. Hill and Peter C. Hogg. A Black Corps d'Élite: An Egyptian Sudanese Conscript Battalion With the French Army in Mexico, 1863-1867, and Its Survivors in Subsequent African History. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1995. xxi + 214 pp. Tables, notes, bibliographical essay, index. $29.95 (cloth), ISBN 0-87013-339-X.
Reviewed by Jeffrey S. Gaydish, Arizona State University.
Published by H-Africa (August, 1997)
Louis Napoleon's African Allies
The singular circumstance of a Sudanese Muslim battalion fighting against Mexican Republicans at the behest of a French Emperor in support of an Austrian Archduke's claim to an unestablished Mexican throne is the subject of this 1995 examination. A diligently researched study, this is the first book-length English language narrative history of the Bataillon Nègre Egyptien, the only unit of soldiers of non-colonial African origin to fight in the western hemisphere. A Black Corps d'Élite, the finest treatment to date of its subject, represents a significant contribution to the historiography of the Egyptian Sudan prior to the condominium. It is most remarkable for its rich detail and will be useful to those with an interest in France's Mexican adventure and to all students of the Sudan, as well as to anyone looking for a case study of institutional Muslim military slavery in its terminal period.
The authors, Richard Hill and Peter Hogg, were extensively acquainted with the Sudan as officers in the Sudan Civil Service. [1] The late Richard Hill in particular is regarded as a founding father among Sudanist historians. His Bibliography of the Sudan (1939) and A Biographical Dictionary of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (1951) were ground-breaking works when they appeared and are still seen as "essential".[2] In addition to writing numerous books and articles, Hill had a distinguished teaching career on three continents and was the founder of Durham University's Sudan Archive. The present study was published when Professor Hill was ninety-four and it was his last book.
The chain of events that brought the Sudanese to Mexico developed largely through the aspirations of a single political figure. Napoleon III, whose rule is sometimes characterized as an effort to recover France's faded international prestige, actively and materially intruded into Mexican politics from 1861 to 1867 during la Reforma period of Mexican history. By this intervention the French Emperor hoped to establish a Catholic "Latin league" of former Spanish and Portuguese colonies centered at Paris with Mexico as the league's first western hemispheric component.
Napoleon was given a pretext for invasion by President Benito Juarez's declaration of a two-year moratorium on Mexico's foreign debt. By courting disaffected elements within Mexican society and engineering the overthrow of the republican government, the French Emperor sought to create a compliant puppet regime. In 1862 a French army landed at Veracruz, marched on Mexico City, and ousted Juarez. A new monarchy was inaugurated at the Mexican capital with the installation of the Austrian Archduke Maximilian as emperor in 1864. That a Muslim contingent from an African French ally participated in this episode highlights the unique nature of the action, which is often viewed as a "bizarre interlude" in mid-nineteenth century European-American relations.
Because popular sentiment in Mexico favored Juarez's government, it proved impossible to withdraw the French troops. Their army threatened by Republican forces, the French commanders needed a secure line of communication between the Mexican capital and their main supply base at Veracruz. As the line approached the Caribbean coast, however, it entered the pestilential lowlands of the Tierra Caliente, a region known for its endemic yellow fever, which killed Europeans and highland Mexicans alike in "unacceptable" numbers. This necessitated the presence of troops better able to operate in such an environment, and since it was widely believed that "Africans" could better endure tropical diseases, in late 1862 Napoleon requested a regiment of troops from Egyptian ruler Muhammad Said Pasha. The Pasha, although a committed Francophile, was compelled by various diplomatic considerations to limit his compliance with the French Emperor's wishes. Accordingly, Napoleon got only a third of what he requested when a battalion of four companies of the 19th Regiment of the Line was dispatched to Mexico.
The battalion had an original strength of 446 officers and men plus one civilian interpreter. It departed Alexandria on a French ship in January 1863. Five men of the battalion died while crossing the Atlantic, rather more died of an "unknown fever" after landing in Mexico, and still more perished during the acclimatization process. By the time the Sudanese took up their duties in the Tierra Caliente, about four hundred remained.
The Sudanese were geographically limited in their operational range, but still engaged in a variety of missions. Mainly tasked to guard the incomplete railway from Veracruz and to act as train escorts, they occasionally joined other French and allied units in counter-guerrilla operations. In fact, the Sudanese never fought as a battalion while in Mexico. Rather, they operated in companies either independently or as parts of larger forces under European commanders.
Quickly the Sudanese established a reputation as skilled fighters among allies and enemies alike. In nearly all of the actions in which they took a part the Sudanese inflicted more casualties than they absorbed, sometimes routing vastly superior Republican forces. From their first engagements defending rail traffic, through the nearly disastrous ambush of Callejon de la Laja (2 March 1865), to their final withdrawal as one of the last elements of the French army to leave Mexico in March 1867, the Africans demonstrated fierceness in battle, technical proficiency, and soldierly professionalism. Of the 447 men who left Alexandria in 1863, fully 321 returned to Egypt four years later. Of those who did not come back, forty-eight were killed in action or died of wounds and sixty-four died of sickness. Interestingly enough, the Sudanese did indeed seem to be resistant to yellow fever. Only one death was attributed to the disease, although other ailments certainly took a severe toll.
As the title implies, the last portion of the book follows the survivors of the battalion upon their return to the Sudan. After being feted by the French in Paris, the unit was broken up when it got back to Egypt. Its members were promoted and redistributed among other units, where the Egyptians hoped the veterans would disseminate French military techniques throughout al Nizam al-Jadid (the New Model Army).
The painstaking research that went into this study is evident from the authors' construction of a biographical record for each man of the battalion, many of whom continued to play important individual parts in Sudanese history. Although most disappeared from the record, some assumed responsible provincial roles in the Sudan. Others fought in Ethiopia during the 1870s. Still others were found on both sides of the Mahdist uprising and of the Anglo-Egyptian reconquest. One of the men of the Mexican expedition, Ali Jifun, rose through the ranks to become bimbashi (major) and was with Kitchener at Fashoda in 1898.
As a study of this particular battalion the book is very thorough. Virtually nothing of military significance has been missed. The unit's organization, supply, and logistics are carefully examined. The hygiene, pay, uniforms, equipage, and armament of the battalion are also well detailed. Morale, explain the authors, remained generally high, perhaps surprisingly so when one considers the alien environment and foreign cause. The antagonisms often created by religious, cultural, and racial differences seemingly did not develop in a militarily detrimental way between the Sudanese and their allies, although their Mexican enemies accused the Sudanese of savagery for "laws of retaliation" and "no quarter" styles of fighting. Hill and Hogg, however, extenuate the Mexican assertions by characterizing the battalion's behavior as having been consistent with Afro-Islamic military service.
The book's greatest weakness lies in its treatment of institutional military slavery. Hill and Hogg insist that "military slavery in Islam" is the "theme of our present work" (p. 18 , but offer only a cursory explanation of standard Islamic military slavery and fail to demonstrate where the Sudanese ought to be placed within its ideological framework. Was the Sudanese battalion a characteristic example of Egyptian military slavery? Did Egyptian military slavery differ from institutional military enslavement elsewhere in the Islamic world? It is difficult to answer these questions because the book affords no adequate point of reference.
Islamic military slavery was "true slavery" and it was unique. The men who eventually fought in Mexico were at one point in their lives captured or otherwise handed over as tribute to the Egyptian government. Typically, only later were they chosen to become soldiers and then converted to Islam. But their status as slaves remained, even if their enslavement was of a very prestigious sort. Though the authors do a good job presenting the slave soldiers as a select element within Sudanese society strongly affiliated with an Egyptian government that afforded them many professional opportunities, their decision not to place the battalion within a broader comparative context seems an unfortunate one. Readers, therefore, must be prepared to acquaint themselves with Islamic military slavery through supplemental reading.[3]
Furthermore, despite the authors' implication that the Sudanese battalion was a characteristic representation of military slavery in Islam, the Sudanese example seems to be rather atypical. Hill and Hogg report that the men were emancipated at the time of enlistment "to avoid the stigma of slavery and [then] held as military conscripts for the rest of their lives" (p. ix), but manumission was not usual in Islamic military slavery. Also, to equate this form of slavery with "life-long conscription" seems an oversimplification of a custom that had no other historical parallel. For these reasons, A Black Corps d'Élite is not as informative a study as it might have been and the authors may have missed an opportunity to assess idiomatic Islamic military slavery in its final period of development.
There are few published works with which to compare this. Besides Mexican Republican polemics about Sudanese "atrocities," there are some difficult to locate nineteenth-century French journal articles. The only other book on the topic is Umar Tussun's Butulat al-orta al-sudaniyya al-misriyya fi harb al-Maksik (Exploits of the Egyptian-Sudanese Battalion in the Mexican War) (Iskanderiah, 1933). English accounts of the battalion are similarly rare.[4] But as all previous examinations of the unit lack the detail and historiographical breadth of the Hill-Hogg collaboration, it is unlikely that A Black Corps d'Élite will be displaced anytime soon as the most authoritative treatment of the subject.
The book's shortcomings are by no means insignificant, but overall it is quite impressive. While an analytical assessment of Islamic military slavery in the nineteenth century remains to be written, A Black Corps d'Élite is still a remarkable and informative study. By addressing this under-explored African military expedition, the authors have made a real contribution to the literature of both the Egyptian Sudan and to the French adventure in Mexico. Finally, the book's rich detail brings the life of the ordinary Muslim fighting man into focus with a clarity that will be difficult to surpass.
Notes
[1]Richard L. Hill worked in railway administration from 1927 to 1945. Peter C. Hogg was in the Sudan Political Service 1935-1955.
[2]The Times (of London) obituary for "Richard Hill" [http://www.the-times.co.uk/news/pages/resources/library1.n.html?1803623, 5 April 1996. The site provides a fond tribute to Professor Hill and a good impression of his scholarly standing.
[3]For an introduction to Muslim military slavery, see Daniel Pipes's Slave Soldiers and Islam: The Genesis of a Military System (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1981).
[4]The first published English account of the battalion was R. Kirk's "The Sudanese in Mexico," Sudan Notes and Records 24 (1941), pp. 113-130. More recent are C. and A. Crecelius's "An Egyptian Battalion in Mexico, 1863-1867," Der Islam 53.1 (1976), pp. 70-86, and John Dunn's very fine "Africa Invades the New World: Egypt's Mexican Adventure, 1863-1867," War in History 4.1 (1997), pp. 27-34.
Library of Congress call number: F1233 .H65 1995
Subjects:
Mexico -- History -- European intervention, 1861-1867 -- Participation, Sudanese
France -- Armée -- Bataillon nègre égyptien --History
Sudanese -- Mexico -- History -- 19th century
France -- Relations -- Egypt
Egypt -- Relations -- France
Citation: Jeffrey S. Gaydish. "Review of Richard L. Hill and Peter C. Hogg, A Black Corps d'Élite: An Egyptian Sudanese Conscript Battalion With the French Army in Mexico, 1863-1867, and Its Survivors in Subsequent African History," H-Africa, H-Net Reviews, August, 1997. URL: http://www.h-net.msu.edu/reviews/showrev.cgi?path=15741877729804.
Copyright © 1997 by H-Net, all rights reserved. H-Net permits the redistribution and reprinting of this work for nonprofit, educational purposes, with full and accurate attribution to the author, web location, date of publication, originating list, and H-Net: Humanities & Social Sciences Online. For any other proposed use, contact the Reviews editorial staff at [email protected].
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Re: البحث عن فرقة موسيقية سودانية اختفت في المكسيك (Re: Muhib)
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Description
A Black Corps D'Elite
This is the story, recorded in detail for the first time, of an exotic incident in African-American relations in the mid-nineteenth century. Secretly, on the night of 7-8 January 1863, an under-strength battalion of 446 officers and men with one civilian interpreter sailed from Alexandria, Egypt in a French troopship for service with the French expeditionary force in Mexico. They were being dispatched by the ruler of Egypt at the urgent request of Emperor Napoleon III to replace French troops who were dying of yellow fever in unacceptable numbers in France's ill-fated 1863-1867 campaign to establish an imperial presence in Mexico. Most of the Sudanese troops had been forcibly acquired by the Egyptian government, which avoided the stigma of slavery by emancipating them at enlistment and holding them as military conscripts for the rest of their working lives. The French command at Veracruz was ill-equipped to receive this utterly un-French battalion. The reasons for this lay possibly in restricted attitudes, which made little provision for understanding the ways of non-European people. Even so, a sense of common humanity ultimately prevailed. In four years of patrolling and campaigning together, the Sudanese were never goaded into mutiny and the French developed a permanent admiration for their African allies. A Black Corps d'Elite follows these Sudanese soldiers as they embark on their journey and describes in detail their experiences in a distant and extremely foreign land. Hill and Hogg frame this story with unsurpassed descriptions of how the French and the Mexicans viewed Sudanese fighters, and how the conscripts' participation in this war was received in contemporary American and European circles.
from Walmartcom.
(عدل بواسطة Kostawi on 04-06-2004, 11:59 PM)
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Re: البحث عن فرقة موسيقية سودانية اختفت في المكسيك (Re: خالد العبيد)
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بمناسبة الحديث
أذكر فى العام 93 و فى جزيرة قبرص الجزء اليونانى ان قابلنا بالصدفة سودانيا عجوزا من ابناء الدناقلة. كان طباخا مع الجيش الانكليزى و بعد انتهاء الحرب تركوه و من معه بجزيرة قبرص حيث ناضل كثيرا من اجل البقاء و تزوج قبرصية وله ابناء شباب و بنات هناك. تمكن من بناء نفسه من لا شى و حقق نجاحا و عندما سالته يا عم: ما ح ترجع السودان يعنى
اجابنى ساخرا: فى زول سأل عنى و انا ابيت و بعدين يا ابنى احنا شكلنا ح نموت فى الغربة
ثم صرخ فجأة هو عمر بشيلر دا لسه الرئيس
اجبته : نعم:
صرخ مرة اخرى: و بعدين يعنى شكلنا ح نموت فى الغربة
كان عم ساتى رجلا ساخرا و لعله اصاب
دنيا
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Re: البحث عن فرقة موسيقية سودانية اختفت في المكسيك (Re: خالد العبيد)
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روى لي صديق الآن بالمملكة العربية السعودية عن قصة قبيلة سودانية بالمكسيك تدعى قبيلة مرجان وقصتها أن مرجان غادر مع القوات الغازية على مايبدو البريطانية من اجل القتال هنالك معهم وقد اصيب في أحدالمعارك وتركه الجند وهو ينزف وعندما أفاق من إغماءته وجد فتاة من الهنود الحمر مصابة وهنالك ثعبان ضخم يزحف عليها فما كان منه إلا أن زحف ناحيتها وقتل الثعبان بسكينة كانت معه وعندما أتى الهنود الحمر للبحث عن ابنتهم المصابة وجدوا مرجان بجوارها وعندما هموا بقتله أخبرتهم ما حدث فما كان منهم إلا أن أخذوه معهم وتمّ علاجه من آلامه وتزويجه تلكم الهندية الحمراء وأنجب منها عائلة مرجان التي تحولت لقبيلة مرجان
لا أدري مصدر رواية الأخ عادل إبراهيم ولكنه أكد لي ذلك الخبر عبر قراءته أو علي مايبدو أن شخصا روى له هذه القصة بسبب ذهابه للمكسيك كل ما يمكنني فقط أن أزودك بتلفون الأخ عادل لو رغبت في ذلك
أخي أن السودان هو العالم الحقيقي true world
خاصة أن داخلة تنوع عجيب وتباين يزهل وأصول أفريقية نقية ترتبط مع عربية وأوربية ولا يفوتني أن أذكرك برواية التونسي عن كتابه
تشحيذ الأذهان لدراسة العرب وأهل السودان
الذي كتبه عن دارفور إبان سلطنتها الإسلامية وذكر فيه تشابه بين لغة ا لفولا واللغة التركية وأور عدة مفاهيم تتفق في النطق والمعني
شكرا لك أخي الفاضل
والسلام
عثمان عبد الرحمن
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Re: البحث عن فرقة موسيقية سودانية اختفت في المكسيك (Re: othman mohmmadien)
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هذه مجموعه سودانيه في اندونسيا
There are 28,560,000 Sundanese people in Indonesia.
Would you like to learn more about these people
Are you interested in hearing about their lives
Here's your chance!
Although the Sundanese speak their own language, called Sunda (part of the Malayo-Polynesian family), many also speak Javanese. They are culturally similar to the Javanese, but set themselves apart by personality. They claim to be more open and informal than the Javanese.
Historically, the Sundanese culture has remained somewhat isolated. While the cultural influences of India were spreading across Southeast Asia in earlier times, they had little effect on the orang gunung (mountain people) of Java.
To be Sundanese is, ideally, to be a rice farmer. Unfortunately, many of the villagers do not own enough rice land to provide for their daily needs. Because of this, nearly all of the villagers engage in small trade, crafts, seasonal farming, or service occupations. Besides rice, other crops grown on dry land include corn, root crops, chili peppers, and tobacco. Coastal areas tend to have mixed economies of rice, fishing, and/or fish farming.
Sundanese villages contain between 1,000 and 7,000 people, and the houses lie clustered together. Homes are often built up on poles or stilts. The villages are separated by small agricultural fields.
Traditional values are still strong in the villages and represent a behavior code known as adat, (guidelines that were laid down by their ancestors). The purpose of adat is to maintain peace and unity inside the village, between people, and within the "cosmic whole," of which they are a part. Change is slowly coming to the villages, with new ideas being introduced to those attending work or schools in the cities. The power of adat tries to slow down these new influences. However, recent developments, such as television and improvement of countryside roads, are bringing changes that even adat cannot stop.
Though not much is known about the kinship system of the Sundanese, we do know that the line of descent is through both of the parents. There are also evidences that ancestor worship (worshipping the spirits of deceased ancestors) was practiced. While many people may be recognized as relatives, the nuclear family remains the primary unit. Homes are basically 'matrilocal', meaning that the married daughters' homes are located near the parents' house, if available land permits. The parents' home is usually inherited by the youngest daughter, who stays at home after she is married to care for her parents.
Social etiquette is taught by the mother; whereas, the father is responsible for the physical needs of the child. Perhaps this is the reason Sudanese children seem to have a spiritual connection with their mothers rather than with their fathers.
In the past, marriages were arranged by the parents. Today, however, young people make their own choices with parental approval. Wedding ceremonies consist of traditional rituals that represent a settled life founded by the rice goddess, Dewi Sri.
this is the link if you want to know more
http://www.peopleteams.org/sundanese/
(عدل بواسطة theNile on 04-10-2004, 01:18 AM)
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Re: البحث عن فرقة موسيقية سودانية اختفت في المكسيك (Re: theNile)
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more about Indonesia's Sudanese
In the early 1990s, Indonesia's society was divided into numerous ethnic groups and minorities. The largest group was the Javanese at 45 percent of the total population. Sudanese made up 14 percent, followed by Madurese, 7.5 percent, and coastal Malays, 7.5 percent. As a sign of its diverse population, fully 26 percent of the population in 1992 consisted of numerous small ethnic groups or minorities. The extent of this diversity is unknown, however, since Indonesian censuses do not collect data on ethnicity. As this increasingly mobile, multiethnic nation moved into its fifth decade of independence, Indonesians were made aware - through education, television, cinema, print media, and national parks - of the diversity of their own society. When Indonesians talk about their cultural differences with one another, one of the first words they use is adat (custom or tradition). This term adat is roughly translated as "custom" or "tradition," but it's meaning has undergone a number of transformations in Indonesia. In some circumstances, for instance, adat has a kind of legal status -certain adat laws (hukum adat) are recognized by the government as legitimate. These ancestral customs may pertain to a wide range of activities: agricultural production, religious practices, marriage arrangements, legal practices, political succession, or artistic expressions.
Despite the fact that the vast majority of Indonesians are Muslim, they maintain very different social identifications. For example, when Javanese try to explain the behavior of a Sudanese or a Balinese counterpart, they might say, "Because it is his adat." Differences in the ways ethnic groups practice Islam are often ascribed to adat. Each group may have slightly different patterns of observing religious holidays, attending the mosque, expressing respect, or burying the dead. Although adat in the sense of "custom" is often viewed as one of the deepest--even sacred--sources of consensus within an ethnic group, the word itself is actually of foreign derivation - originally from the Arabic. Through centuries of contact with outsiders, Indonesians have a long history of contrasting themselves and their traditions with those of others, and their notions of who they are as a people have been shaped in integral ways by these encounters. On the more isolated islands in eastern Indonesia, for instance, one finds ethnic groups that have no word for adat because they have had very little contact with outsiders. In the 1970s and 1980s, the notion of adat came to take on a national significance in touristy settings such as Balinese artistic performances and in museum displays. Taman Mini, a kind of ethnographic theme park located on the outskirts of Jakarta, seeks to display and interpret the cultural variation of Indonesia. From its groundbreaking in 1971 and continuing after its completion in 1975, the park was surrounded in controversy, not least because its construction displaced hundreds of villagers whose land was seized in order to finish the job. Nonetheless, a 100-hectare park was landscaped to look like the archipelago of Indonesia in miniature when viewed from an overhead tramway. There was a house for each province to represent the vernacular architecture of the region. Distinctive local hand weapons, textiles, and books explaining the customs of the region were sold. The powerful message of the park was that adat is contained in objective, material culture, that it is aesthetically pleasing and indeed marketable, but that it is more or less distinct from everyday social life. Furthermore, the exhibits conveyed the impression that ethnicity is a relatively simple aesthetic matter of regional and spatial variations rather than a matter of deep emotional or political attachments. However, the park provided visitors with a vivid and attractive (if not always convincing) model for how the Indonesian national motto - Unity in Diversity (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, a Javanese motto dating to the fifteenth century Kingdom of Majapahit) -might be understood. When Indonesians talk about their society in inclusive terms, they are more likely to use a word like budaya (culture) than adat. One speaks of kebudayaan Indonesia, the "culture of Indonesia," as something grand, and refers to traditions of refinement and high civilization. The Hinduized dances, music, and literature of Java and Bali and the great monuments associated with their religion are often described as examples of "culture" or "civilization" but not "custom." However, as the following descriptions show, the wide variety of sources of local identification underscores the diversity rather than the unity of the Indonesian population.
this the link
http://www.info-indo.com/indonesia/landpeople/multiethnic.htm
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خالد العبيد
Muhib
Kostawi
اسامة الخاتم
othman mohmmadien
theNile
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست