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 Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم (Re: مركز الخاتم عدلان)
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ورقة د. ادريس سالم الحسن :-
Idris Salim Elhassan
University of Khartoum
Old Omdurman and National Integration: The Socio- Historical
Roots of Social Exclusion
Urban settlements have played a very important role in human history. The urban revolution, as it is sometimes called, is for some scholars no less significant than the agricultural or the industrial revolutions. In fact the latter could not have happened without the former. Urban centers have been the locus of wealth, power, stability, creativity and great nations and empires. In our contemporary world cities act as vanguards of development and social integration.( Foreign Policy, November/December 2008). But they can also be places of poverty, marginalization and social conflicts. U.N reports indicate that last year was a landmark in that it is for the first time in history that the number of f those who live in cities will be more than fifty percent of world population. The majority of this tremendous increase will be in the developing countries.
One of the important measures currently used to assess the performance of expanding cities is their ability to play a leadership role in shaping national identity. The present article, focusing on social history, examines the issue of urban social integration in terms of how social structures and institutions relate to a prevalent ideology within a given socio-economic, historical context.
By the next decade Greater Khartoum, the capital of Sudan – now with a population of 6 millions - will be among the twenty world mega cities with more than ten million residents. The rapid demographic increase is attributed to the influx of migrants from rural and small urban centers coming to Greater Khartoum as displaced persons because of war, poverty or conflicts, or looking for better life chances and services, specially health and education. The present situation of the city is c, accordingly, characterized by high rates of poverty, poor amenities, social inequalities, and ethnic cleavages. In addition, its environmental conditions are very poor, and it has weak governing structures and administrative machinery. Many of its inhabitants are not part of its decision-making or political participation processes. They live in the outskirts of the city as IDPs or squatters at the margins of its social and economic life. In these terms they feel that they are being physically, socially and politically marginalized. Whatever the dimensions of this feeling of marginalization by the new comers, there are inherent factors in the socio- economic and historical set-up of the city impeding their social integration. The excluding nature of Greater Khartoum is not more clear than in the case of Omdurman.. This article discusses the roots and the components of this marginalizing attitude and how it has come to be formed. The article explains how the interplay between the historical, geographical and demographic factors in a special way has led the old Omdurmanis to develop a feeling towards new comers that if they do not adopt its presumed way of life style and way of doing things to the extent of being fully assimilated, these new residents will be considered as outsiders and hence treated as such.. Old Omdurman presents an interesting case in that contrary to the claims made by old Omdurmani writers, poets, artists, media people and others that Omdurman symbolizes a model for national integration, in fact it does not tolerate the presence of new comers from other parts of the Sudan if they want to keep their own cultural specificity . They are not regarded as full citizens. This form of social exclusion here is not political or economic but it belongs to the social domain per se ; i.e. it is not practiced by the state or its administrative or other organs.
Using the concepts of time, place, social institutions, ideology, memory, gender, ownership of land, and stratification, the paper explores some of the factors and processes that might have contributed to strengthening the sense of social exclusion in urban Sudan, taking Omdurman as an example. It will be argued that according to the mode of interplay between the constituent factors the emerging patterns of social forms might impact on the nature of social integration. Omdurman's case will be taken to illustrate how social cohesion could be hampered by not granting, due to varying factors, other co-citizens the privilege to be part of a shared history and/or committed citizenship.
. Now, in the last decades a huge body of literature exists on Omdurman . Many writings, heated debates and exchanges have occurred regarding Omdurman's identity as expressed in attacks and counter-attacks concerning its leading national role, social characteristics, unique values and cultural contributions in different social fields. In this literature Omdurman appears to provoke strong conflicting images: one by those who idolize it ; another by those who demonize it. Omdurman, known as the "national capital", is always presented by Omdurmani writers, poets, artists, and intellectuals, in addition to its old citizens, as a place where groups of different ethnic, tribal, geographical and cultural backgrounds have melted into one homogeneous, harmonious and cohesive society despite its internal geographical, economic or political divisions. It is accordingly claimed by the same groups, represented by the abna'a "Sons of Omdurman" group ( al-sudani daily, 29.12.08; and al-sudani daily 24.1.09), that this image could be emulated as a model for both urbanity and social integration nation-wide. In their view Omdurman acts as both leading in moulding the national culture through its hegemonic character, and a symbol for national integration (Abdel Hamid, 2004). However, as some scholars argued, this is misleading for in fact Omdurman's culture by its nature is marginalizing and excluding to other non-Omdurmani cultures and people (Abdel Hamid, 2004). No other city in the Sudan has received such responses and covered by immense writings like Omdurman.
Omdurman in terms of population and area is the largest of the three cities that constitute Greater Khartoum (Omdurman, Khartoum and Khartoum North) , the capital of Sudan ..Geographically, lying on the western bank of the River Nile it was, and still is, connected to all of western Sudan's hinterland and beyond to western Africa , and to the north up to the Mediterranean region by the famous caravan route of Darb al-Arbien ( the forty day route).All these routes do not only bring animal, agricultural, and forest products for exports and bring back glassware , textile and other imports , but also merchants, pilgrims, ulama ( Muslim scholars), and adventurers. In recent years large numbers of people fleeing their homelands because of drought and civil strives in Kordofan and Darfur to settle in the western parts of the city.
Omdurman is named as the' national capital' because it was the seat of the Mahdiyya rule (1885-1898), the national religious revolution that ousted the colonial Turkish regime (18821-1885). Though the history of the city goes thousands of years back, immediately before the Mahdiyya it was only constituted of the southern parts of Abu Seid and al Fitihab , by then small villages of fishermen and small agro-pastoralists. However, with the downfall of Khartoum, the capital city of the colonial Turkish rule, al Mahdi decided to move the capital to Omdurman whose establishment was mainly based on the encampments of the victorious armies of the Ansar (al-Mahdi's supporters) . Driven by the religious fervor the Mahdi's armies comprised men, sometimes accompanied by families, gathered from all regions and tribes of the Sudan; however, the groups from western Sudan were the main body of the army and a significant component of its leadership. The influx of the combatants at the time caused the population of the city to rise dramatically from few hundreds to about fifty (?) thousands. The early planning and architecture of the town, initiated by Khalifa (successor of al-Mahdi) Abdullahi reflected the composition and the socio-economic and tribal origins. of the new comers and their ascetic religious orientation. They came mainly from humble and poor peasantry rural backgrounds, with nothing to bring them together more than the religious creed to support the 'religion' (i.e. Islam) and chase out the hegemonic infidels. Added to the population of these army soldiers were few artisans and functionaries of foreign origin ( Turkish , Egyptian , Levant and European; some of whom were Christians ) from the ousted regime and who preferred to stay or were simply caught up in the fighting and had no where to go except to accept to move -on the orders of the Khalifa- from Khartoum to Omdurman .Demographically, the population of Omdurman then consisted of detribalized people whose links with their original homelands had weakened considerably. This was later accentuated with the defeat of the Mahdiyya and the establishment of the new Anglo-Egyptian colonial rule (1898- 1956) when Mahdiyya broken armies retreated and many of them fled to Gezira and western parts in particular . This period has had important implications for the future development of Omdurman as will be shown later.
The layout of the old city, as envisaged by the Khalifa, shows broad roads to enable easy movement of the massive numbers of the Mahdist army when embarking on military missions inside or outside Sudan , or when simply on parade ( e.g. al- Arda – Parade – street ); few long wide lanes leading to the spiritual center of the city where al- Mahdi's tomb and the main mosque lay not far away from the temporal hub represented by the market ( suq ) with its different divisions. However , the rest of the city was divided into sections which were further subdivided into quarters . Apart from the main quarters of the Khalifa's , his family, bodyguards and intimate supporters , the other parts were allotted on tribal affiliations of their military leaders; hence, some of the places took the names of those leaders ( wad Nubawi, wad al Baseer, wad Aru …etc.) . There was no well-designed general plan for the city aside from the broad directives stated above .The distribution of the houses between and within the quarters' divisions were left to the army leaders to determine the sizes and choice of the neighbors according to the needs of their groups .The state did not interfere in the issue of land ownership. Accordingly, the plots and the houses were owned by their occupants. Since many of the residents in one plot were either extended families or kinsmen, or from groups attached to them, their dwellings opened into each other through openings in the separating walls known as naffaj (s).. Up to the present day old sections of the town ( e.g. Abu Roaf,, Abu Kadoak or Bait al- Mal ) a whole street which might comprise many houses has only few doors opening to the outside while inside all the houses are linked through the naffajs. This design ensures the privacy of the occupants and enables communication between the family women without having to go through the streets.
Omdurman's response to the environmental, geographical and historical challenges were different because of the differences in the historical, geographical and the other aspects of its context of existence. Generally, complex challenges are not met by cities equally, as each city has its own personality and capacity of efficiency within a specific context. (Sachs, I., 1994, p.332). FROM MOST, UNESCO,PAPER. In the case of Omdurman,and, however, and like many cities in the Sudan in particular and Africa in general, the colonial experience could be one of the important factors, among other internal ones and developments, largely responsible for dwarfing the rising feeling of social integration.
If the argument for the integrative role of Omdurman is examined critically we notice the following. First, that this image is true for only one section of Omdurman viz. its old part; i.e. it is partial and not generalized as suggested. This I call the myth of Omdurman, ideologically speaking. Secondly, despite the presence of the "modernizing" agents introduced by the British such as modern education, radio station, sports clubs…etc, these seem not to have brought about deep-rooted processes of urbanity with regards to social integration. In fact, and because of the reasons to be mentioned, the social dynamics in old Omdurman worked against and resisted the structural changes which are usually associated with urbanization. This, the existence of modernizing factors without urbanity, I call cosmetic modernity. A real balanced urban development would be expected to result in deeply rooted, strong social integration. Omdurman, employing the ideology of resistance, created its own parallel form of modernity.
The position of Omdurman will be discussed in terms of its geographical and historical characteristics, the basic concept of its foundation, indigenous and colonial influences, and the impact of all these factors on shaping its demography, social interaction, urbanization dynamics and modes of living .This is, among other things, well illustrated by the interlinkages between architecture, social organization and actual modes and forms of social interaction ( Munira
Old Omdurman is characterized by strong neighborhood ties resulting on the one hand from strong, anti-colonial, ascetic, religious sentiments, and, on the other hand, from living together for a long time in one permanently owned place- in the way described above. Hence, neighbors of one quarter (hai ) who could also be relatives at the same time, would be living together for generations in the same family-owned house, or string of houses. In the last case, as mentioned earlier, extended families had, and still have, their big houses adjacent to each other in one row that might extend to a whole lane or a number of lanes with openings, naffaj (s), between the different dwellings which made easy access between them without having to go through the streets; this was particularly important for ensuring women's seclusion ( Mariam, 2006 ). Moreover, it was not unusual to find in each household some distant relatives and acquaintances, who came to the town for religious education or work, living with the same extended family, though in separate quarters. They all lived under the patronage of a head patriarch or matriarch (grandparent). The term hoash is used to cover both the physical building of such a dwelling and the encompassed web of social relations as well . The individual is thus embedded in the web of relations of localized extended families over long periods of time. The individuals are therefore recognized and identified by others as belonging to those extended families and treated as such, while they themselves brought up and socialized within those social boundaries, and they behave accordingly . In other words, the individual's identity is linked to the family identity and recognized by himself/herself and by others in this manner.
Figure 3 A House Plan the Residential Pattern in old Omdurman (Left) : One Ext. Family in Many interlinked Houses.
Marriage is another important institution that brought the people of old Omdurman together. Women played a very prominent role in connecting extended families across the different quarters through cross-marriages. Immediately after the downfall of the Mahdiyya, there was turmoil and instability as many men were either killed or fled the city. In many cases women were left without support and were forced to assume the role of family ######### at that period and thus prevented the family system from collapsing. In other cases women of detribalized groups of ex-slave origin were the cornerstone of their family system. But this was reversed when men came in control again after stability was achieved by the new colonial rule. Therefore, when things settled down after some time the patriarchal system was reinstated. This might suggest explanation for the ambivalent attitude towards the position of women in Omdurman. On the one hand, they seem to be highly respected and the object of idolizing (in songs and support for women organizations, for example), while in some other cases they were secluded and pushed aside as inferiors as in any strict male-dominated patriarchal society. Women are thought of as weak creatures the responsibility of whose protection lie with the men.
A number of extended families constituted a hai (quarter) bonded by a strong feeling of fraternity among themselves and sense of competition versus other quarters., as exemplified by the frequent fights that erupted between the youths of the different quarters. Also, each hai used to have a group of strong young men acting as bullies ( futuwat) to protect the hai's young females from all forms of misdeeds by men from other quarters. Nevertheless, women continued to be bridges connecting the quarters through cross marriages between extended families (Iman, 2006). The hai solidarity was generally mitigated by the presence of always remained in the background of rivalries between educational groups, political parties, sports clubs, literary groups, and religious and institutional establishments. However, even with the presence of the former mediating elements, rivalries reappeared at higher levels in the form of dualism (Ansar and Khamiyyia religious orders; Hilal and Mereikh football teams; even cemeteries, Sharfi and al- Bakri). For example, the Ansar are usually buried in Sharfi graveyard, while the Khatmiyyia in al- Bakri. The city is accordingly divided mainly along kinship, neighborhood and religious ideology lines rather than wealth or social status.
In Omdurman macro-level dynamics are in the final analysis very much pinned to and shaped by the social relationships which are grounded in the rather closed networks of kinship system, neighborhood, and religious values and religious personalities. However, all the forms of social relationships at all levels are largely governed by the extended family ties. Hence, despite the outward appearances of openness, the old Omdurman people are in fact very much encapsulated within their own social systems and style of living. They do not accept anything or others who can not, for one reason or another, assimilate themselves and be completely absorbed within those relations. This can explain why the modernizing effects introduced by British colonialism had not borne fruit. I argue that is so because the family ties are so strong that they are able to subsume all other non-family relations and reduce them to basic primary structures of religious, neighborhood and kinship relationships. These relationships do not concur with urbanism which is characterized by heterogeneity and innovations. Rather than opposing new changes head-on, Omdurman has had the capacity of internalizing and incorporating new modes of living and relationships brought by others and transforming them without its own model necessarily being radically changed.
For instance, the Indian and other non-Sudanese communities could not penetrate and change the thick web of close ties; on the contrary, they became part of it. Except for religious difference, the Copts, for example, are Omdurmanis through and through in terms of social customs, practices and social ties (William Zakria al Sudani daily 21 Nov.2008). Copts in Khartoum, for example, do not show intensive social interactions with Muslims like in Omdurman. I venture to say that the above applies to other modern and non-traditional organizations and institutions as well. For instance, police and legal systems – were very much molded by those social relations to the extent that some policemen and judges did not carry out their official duties properly if the persons involved belonged to one of Omdurman's social circles. A comment like ' he is the son of so and so" was quite enough to release the offender( Bedri, 1999). Even the women's movement, the communist party, the Umma party, and the radio have all been dominated by Omdurman's social model which gives primacy to maintaining good social relations more than having them disrupted by political or other relations. Since its establishment in the mid 1940's the majority of the women movement's leadership have been from Omdurman and are mostly relatives, neighbors, friends or school-mates. Looking closely at the beginnings of the movement also reveals that it grew under the protection of male religious leaders and guardians. The same is also true for education and political parties who, except for a few of them, developed under the influence of Sayyid Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi and Sayyid Ali al –Mirghani – leaders of the two main religious orders in the Sudan . All these organizations, and despite the garb of modernity, are rather traditional and conservative in the final analysis . For, none of them could fully escape the grip of localized extended family system, neighborhood ties or religious patronage or all of them at the same time.
Some social practices were in aid of strengthening further the above mentioned social bonds. Many generations, who may be relatives at the same time, lived together in one locality, which deepened familiarity and interconnectedness between them. Cohorts of grand parents, parents and grandsons grew up, played, went to the same khalwas ( Quranic schools) and modern schools, and participated in many social activities like going to cinema, playing football or socializing and spending most of their free time together.
Again, there were not marked variations in social differentiation. Even the wealthy, being influenced by Mahdiyya asceticism, lived a simple life with no conspicuous modes of consumption. Since modern institutions of social security could not penetrate and replace older forms of social support in the old quarters, neighbors had to rely on their own mutual assistance and cooperation to meet their material and social needs . Old Omdurmanis expressed this mutuality in institutions like fatur al Juma'a (Friday breakfast) in which the extended families, relatives, neighbors and friends meet on Fridays to have breakfast together, which more often extended throughout the whole day. During this time they play cards, chat, sing and tell stories and jokes about the group's members and Omdurman in general. Also, weddings and mourning occasions were prolonged events that were a must to attend. Those who were not present without genuine excuses, especially at burial times, were castigated by the rest of the group. During the fasting month of Ramadan, women gathered to prepare the month's special food, abre drink, while men went out in the streets to have the sunset breakfast meal together. Women had their separate world when they met on especial occasions of mourning or weddings; they also attended knitting classes (bayt al-khiyta) where they learned to make men's taqiyyas (head covers), handkerchiefs, or decorate table clothes and bed sheets. Knitting classes were secluded houses for females only to meet and socialize ( al Bagei, 2008). They were informal learning institution established through unofficial, communal, voluntary efforts. Many of similar learning institutions, for both males and females- were established as a passive form of resistance, and competition at the same time, to the British modern (secular) educational system. These included Omdurman's Mahad al-ilmi ( religious institute), Ahfad schools, al Ahliiya school,al –Mutamar school, Mahad al –Girsh al sanae ( technical institute) al Melaik schools ….etc. ( Mutasim,2001).
The British administration exerted great efforts to handle the delicate issue of daeling with religion in northern Sudan for the fear of fueling religious sentiments similar to that which had instigated rebellion against the former Turkish rule. Important religious figures whom the British engaged with or co-opted them in a very cautious manner, played a significant role of collecting people around them under the eyes of the British officials. Though they opposed some of the British policies these religious figures had clout through their communication with the British rulers and the respect the latter showed to them. This influence extended beyond mere religious matters into other social and social domains. Shaikh al-Badawi, Abu al-Gasim Hashim , and many other prominent religious personalities, for instance, were allowed to have afternoon Quranic classes at their homes -which quite a number of people used to attend; or, in some cases, some of these religious names were appointed as sharia judges; hence, in one way their social influence was greatly boasted . On the other hand, Sayyid Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi (son of the great Mahdi), together with Sayyid Ali al- Mirghani (the two major leaders of Ansar and Khatmiyya religious orders, respectively) were the arch-patrons and sponsors in all the fields of popular religious tariqas, political movement (Umma and Unionist parties, respectively, social activities (e.g. mawlid, prophet's birthday) educational campaigns, literary and artistic groups, sports clubs and even comic personalities( wad Naffash) and song writers( Abd al-Raman al- Rayyiah). Al-Mahdi's and al-Mirghani's social and financial support as well as their spiritual blessing and political influence were necessary for social acceptance by the public and approval of the authorities (Bashari, 1996). All social and political efforts tried by the elites in particular were largely exposed to failure if not positively or implicitly condoned by them.
Photo 1 Hamad al-Neel Religious Center in Omdurman
Other important institutions that played a significant role in Omdurman's cultural life were the coffee shops (s. qhawa, pl. qahawi) in the marketplace; most famous of which included those of Yousif al Faki, George Mishrigi, wad al-Agha. Poets, critics, journalists, playwrites, novelists, singers etc. used to come there to socialize and exchange ideas. The qahawi themselves, compared to Khartoum, offered traditional drinks in a traditional way. The two main literary groups (reading circles) of Abu Roaf (hai Abu roaf) and Hashmab( in hai al Mourda) mainly attracted friends and relatives in the same neighborhoods and held meetings at their homes. In spite of the fact that the two circles were constant readers of British newspapers and high literary and intellectual works, they were equally heavy readers of Arabic classics ( Abdel Gadir ,2006:183-184).
The strong kinship and neighborhood ties have resulted in two important implications viz. connivance and exclusion of non-complying persons. There is an untold, secret agreement to keep silent about serious contravening of social or ethical codes that might disrupt the social fabric. In case of illegal pregnancy among prominent families, a certain person by the name of Abd al-Faraj would be commissioned to silence the female wrongdoer for good . Cases of homosexuality were kept secret or dealt with very quietly ( Bedri, 19990). A lot of people know who worked as spies (bassaseen) for the colonial rule, but you would rarely encounter anything in writing on this. Also, many people might know or notice incidents of serious social violations but they kept silent about them tied by a code of connivance – or a pact of silence. Those who are writing about these things now live outside Omdurman for a long time ( eg. Bedri is living in Scandinavia for decades).
On the other hand, non-conforming persons could be severely punished either through social excommunication, or pressured to the point of either leaving the place, becoming addict or going crazy. As such, any attempt to break away from this straitjacket of these superimposing closely- knit social ties was considered a grave sin that had to be addressed with deep concern and prompt action. In this connection one might ask why the merchants- Sudanese and non-Sudanese, the army officers, or the middle class bureaucrats could not change the above mentioned social structure. For the merchants, they mainly engaged in traditional local trade, or, like the Indians, though importing from India, their merchandise was in traditional items such as Indian textiles, perfumes and similar things; they were not part of the international trade of the capitalist system. As for the officers, especially the "detribalized" (ire of former slave origin ), the major concern was to maintain a privileged standard of living characterized by conspicuous consumption patterns. Having worked in the Egyptian army, they used to read Egyptian papers and magazines, listen to Egyptian song records, speak in Egyptian dialect and eat with fork and knife- unusual for ordinary Sudanese people at the time ( Bashari, 1996:177). Moreover, though having fixed incomes that enabled them to lead a comfortable life, it is either because of consumption style or non-inclination to engage in investment, their standard of living deteriorated after retirement. They did not have extended families to fall back on. The bureaucrats, on the other hand, were merely subservient to the colonial administration. Again they led a double life : they worked in Khartoum and spent most of modern entertainment time there while they kept their intimate social relations within the family, extended family, neighborhood and other relations confined within Omdurman.
Hence, no social force in Omdurman society was strong enough to penetrate and drastically change the tightly knitted ensemble of social relations. The core of those relations remained traditional in character despite the outer cosmetics of modernity imposed by the colonial system. In other words, what happened in the private domain prevailed over the public domain.
The importance of social memory in consolidating and rejuvenating social relations over time has proved to be a very useful analytical tool. . In old Omdurman religious brotherhoods and important religious families, in addition to gatherings social institutions mentioned above, brought people together on many communal occasions. All these elements add up to the pool of communal memorabilia of the city. Literature is now abound with minute details of the different quarters (their streets, houses and occupants), the different parts of the marketplace ( who was in what shop and what they sold), the most important events the city had witnessed, memories and memoirs …etc (( see for example In'am , 2005; Shakkak, n.d; Abbas, 2002, AbdelGadir 2006; and Tariq). Old Omdurmanis had their own lingua franca; know the same stories; same events; same personalities; tell the same jokes and anecdotes; and keep passing them among themselves from generation to generations ( Bedri, 1999).
Old Omdurman's strong communal memory can be exemplified by some persons such as al-Hadi al-Dalali who is legendary for knowing all the people of old Omdurman. His anecdotes abound of spotting non-Omdurmanis who happen to be around the old neighborhoods. Some female figures like bit (daughter of) al- Khabir, al-Gasa, bit Bati, and Hawwa al Tagtaga all constitute a living memory of the city . Other almost- mythical figures such as the comic characters of wad (son of) Naffash, Saina, Ahmad Daoud, Dirma and others lend the city its sense of unity and image as a continuing history. Old Omdurman still keeps its image and identity through the stories of those legendary figures and anecdotes carried from generation to generation.
The fixation of such memories in the minds and hearts of old Omdurmanis takes place through the process of wanasa (chatting) on all social occasions. A famous saying in Omdurman has it that for work you better choose Khartoum, while if you want to have a good chat go to Omdurman. Omdurmanis are very well known for their ability to tell good and amusing anecdotes. Other non-Omdurmani individuals find it difficult to accommodate themselves in old Omdurmanis' groups ( Bedri,1999). Late-comers to Omdurman who do not belong to this collective, memorized heritage are not considered by awlad or abna (sons of) of Omdurman to be true Omdurmanis. To qualify as such, according to their criteria, one has to be born in old Omdurman in/or before 1956 (the independence date) and to have practiced what the old "boys " of Omdurman used to do – e.g.getting off the tram at high speed; know the physical layout , important places and extended families of old Omdurman.
In conclusion, the above description and analysis indicate how Omdurman, despite the claims made by old Omdurmanis and the image it tries to project of itself as a model for national integration, it is in fact excluding and marginalizing. Its social cohesion , as it appears in the case of old Omdurman, arises from a common history, ideology premised on primary social relationships of kinship, quarter solidarity, religious sentiments and figures, traditions and special modes of interactions, verbal and written history 0000etc. New comers in Omdurman find themselves not to be part of such a scheme and that they do not belong to the kind of history proclaimed by the old Omdurmanis. Nor do they find themselves to be citizens in the way it is defined by old Omdurmanis . With the changing circumstances of conflicts, drought and desertification processes , together with the grave political mistakes that have been comitted by politicians, now millions from different parts of marginalized areas in the Sudan flocked their homelands and took refuge in the capital city. They come with different cultural and social backgrounds that do not fit with old Omdurman's model of social integration . Applying the concepts of multiculturalism and cultural diversity , a new model has to be sought ; a model that can accommodate them as full citizens with full rights of participation in social and political life and who share the sense of having one shared history and one future to be realized by all on equal footing.
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| العنوان |
الكاتب |
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| اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 05-07-09, 07:47 AM |
| Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 05-07-09, 08:18 AM |
| Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 05-07-09, 08:52 AM |
| Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 05-07-09, 10:15 AM |
| Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 05-07-09, 10:51 AM |
| Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 05-07-09, 11:25 AM |
| Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 06-20-09, 06:29 PM |
| Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 05-07-09, 11:09 AM |
| Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 05-07-09, 11:40 AM |
| Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 05-07-09, 12:01 PM |
| Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 05-07-09, 12:48 PM |
| Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 05-07-09, 04:01 PM |
| Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 05-14-09, 08:49 AM |
| Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 05-14-09, 08:54 AM |
| Re: اوقفوا الحرب .. اصنعوا السلام , شعار الوقفة التضامنية مع دارفور ومؤتمر البحث عن سلام دائم | مركز الخاتم عدلان | 05-14-09, 02:00 PM |
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