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 هيومان رايتس ووتش: فظاعات الحكومة وميليشياتها شردت مليون شخص من دارفور
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أعلنت منظمة هيومان رايتس ووتش «مراقبة حقوق الانسان» ان الحكومة السودانية والميليشيات العربية تشنان حملة مشتركة من القتل والاغتصاب والنهب ضد الجماعات العرقية غير العربية في غرب السودان في اطار ما يعرف بسياسة «الارض المحروقة».
وقالت جورجيت جانيون نائبة مدير قسم افريقيا في الجماعة المعنية بحقوق الانسان ومقرها نيويورك «أدت حملة الارهاب الحكومية بالفعل الى تشريد مليون مدني برئ بالقوة.. والاعداد تتزايد كل يوم».
وقال تقرير المنظمة الحقوقية عن منطقة دارفور ان غالبية المدنيين المشردين انتقلوا الى بلدات ومعسكرات تعرضوا فيها لمزيد من المظالم. وتتهم جماعات متمردين بدأت تمردا في فبراير 2003 الخرطوم باهمال دارفور ودعم الميليشيات العربية لكن الحكومة تصف الميليشيات والمتمردين بالخارجين على القانون.
وقال بيان لهيومان رايتس ووتش صاحب التقرير الذي صدر بعنوان «دارفور تشتعل.. الفظائع في غرب السودان» ان «القوات الحكومية والميليشيات العربية تقتل وتغتصب وتنهب في اطار حملة الارض المحروقة مدنيين أفارقة يشاركون قوات المتمردين انتماءهم العرقي».
ويتهم التقرير الجيش بالقصف العشوائي للمدنيين وقال ان القوات الحكومية والميليشيات يدمرون قرى الفور والمساليت والزغاوة. وينتمي اعضاء في تنظيمي التمرد الرئيسيين وهما حركة جيش تحرير السودان وحركة العدل والمساواة لتلك الجماعات العرقية.
وقالت المنظمة ان الحكومة السودانية تجند وتسلح أكثر من 20 ألفا من رجال الميليشيات المنحدرين من اصول عربية وتقوم بعمليات مشتركة مع الميليشيات المعروفة باسم «الجنجاويد». رويترز
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 Re: هيومان رايتس ووتش: فظاعات الحكومة وميليشياتها شردت مليون شخص من دارفور (Re: elsharief)
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كثير من الناس يقولون لا لتدويل قضايا السودان، ولكن أهل الحكم يمسكون بسلاح القوات المسلحة ويسيطرون على اقتصاد البلد.. وقد اختارت الحركة الشعبية العمل المسلح ولكنها في النهاية لجأت إلى التفاوض تحت مظلة دول الإيقاد وأصدقاء الإيقاد والولايات المتحدة..
أدعو المثقفين والحادبين على مصلحة السودان أن يطالبوا بتدخل الأمم المتحدة في مسألة السودان.. وبعدها تجيء المحاسبة والمساءلة لكل المجرمين أمثال الترابي والبشير وعلي عثمان محمد طه وغيرهم كثيرون..
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Re: هيومان رايتس ووتش: فظاعات الحكومة وميليشياتها شردت مليون شخص من دارفور (Re: Yasir Elsharif)
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| Quote: أدعو المثقفين والحادبين على مصلحة السودان أن يطالبوا بتدخل الأمم المتحدة في مسألة السودان.. وبعدها تجيء المحاسبة والمساءلة لكل المجرمين أمثال الترابي والبشير وعلي عثمان محمد طه وغيرهم كثيرون.. |
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عزيزي ياسر
هل ما زلت تؤمن بشيء اسمه الأمم المتحدة ؟ لقد تغير الاسم منذ زمن طويل ليصبح الولايات المتحدة هل نسيتم المجازر في بورندي؟ والدماء السائلة في رواندا وفلسطين و الصومال ؟
على الأمم المتحدة أن تقوم بمراجعة شاملة لأدائها وطريقة عملها من تسلط وعنجهية أمريكية حيث أصبحت الأمم المتحدة كيان لا يكترث به ولا بقراراته إذا لم تكن على النهج الأمريكي ثم بعد ذلك علينا مطالبتها بحل مشاكلنا التي عجزنا عنها
في الوضع الحالي يمكن اللجوء الي التجمعات الاقليمية مثلا جامعة الدول العربية او منظمة الاتحاد الافريقي ومطالبتها بمبادرات تقضى بأن تقوم هى بنفسها بالتدخل فى الازمات وتأتى بالحلول مهما كانت حتى اذا اقتضى الامر للتدخل العسكرى
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Re: هيومان رايتس ووتش: فظاعات الحكومة وميليشياتها شردت مليون شخص من دارفور (Re: elsharief)
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يا أخوان يستحضرني قول :
نقعد في الجوامع تنابلا كسالى * نشحذ الأقوال ونضرب الأمثالا
ونسال الفرج من عنده تعالى
أخي دينق الحرية لا تمنح بل تقتلع أقتلاعا ... كل الجنوب تحرك ،الجبال تحركت ، الأنقسنا تحركت والشرق تحرك الآن دارفور تحركت ....وين الخرطوم وين الشمالية بل أين من صنعوا الأنتفاضات والهبات الشعبية ...
هل نريد أن يموت ملايين البشر والناس تتفرج وقال كيف يكون الحال لو ما كنت سوداني؟؟؟
ملعون أبوكي بلد
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 Re: هيومان رايتس ووتش: فظاعات الحكومة وميليشياتها شردت مليون شخص من دارفور (Re: Raja)
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Quote: الاتحاد الاوروبي يطالب بمحاسبة ميليشيا الجنجويد
الخرطوم تتحفظ على تصريحات أميركية بشأن أوضاع دارفور |
ومن يحاسب عصابات النهب والتدمير التى ارتكبت مجازر ضد العرب كما حدث لشهداء الزيادية بمليط والهبانية ببرام........
كل الارواح لها قيمة.... ادينوا كل الجرائم ضد انسان دارفور.... ولا تغضوا الطرف عن جرائم عصابات النهب المسلح العنصرية.
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Re: هيومان رايتس ووتش: فظاعات الحكومة وميليشياتها شردت مليون شخص من دارفور (Re: nada ali)
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SOAT
Sudan Organisation Against Torture
SOAT Press Release: 6 April 2004
Aerial bombardment of Darfur Village
The armed forces bombed Mahajrea village, 4 April 2004, east Nyala, Southern Darfur State. The military bombed the village using two Helicopter gunships and one military plane (Antinov). SOAT has received information that at least four civilians have been killed with one civilian wounded. The aerial bombardment took place between 3: 30pm and 7: 30pm. The victims of this bombardment have been named as:
1. Student Yagoub Adam Hussain Omer, 15 years, from the Zakhawa tribe (killed at the scene).
2. Student Fawzi Issa Hassan Omer, 18 yrs, from Zakhawa the tribe (he was taken to Nyala hospital but he died, 4 April 2004, at 5 o’clock in the evening).
3. Farmer Abdel Kareem Toubaya, 67 yrs, from the Zakhawa tribe (killed at the scene).
4. Student Abbas Adam Jouma Bakheat, 15 yrs, from the Zakhawa tribe (killed at the scene).
5. Farmer Dossa Khatir Doud, 32 yrs, from the Zakhawa tribe (wounded and taken to Nyala hospital where he is receiving medical treatment).
Background
The situation in Darfur – the three westernmost states of the country – has worsened dramatically. Sustained attacks by government forces and local Arab militias on local civilian populations have led to catastrophic levels of violence and destruction. Faced with scant government accountability and little chance of international intervention, new armed political groups such as the Sudanese Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/SLA), and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) have emerged within the region.
While there were initial efforts to pursue a political resolution to the problem, these attempts degenerated into violence when the GoS and the rebel groups resolved to the use of violence. Since this point, the GoS has systematically attempted to crush the insurgency using aerial bombardment, militia forces and regular armed forces.
Darfur, a region that has traditionally suffered from massive underdevelopment, lack of infrastructure and resources, is now in the grip of a conflict that threatens the lives of many of its inhabitants. Hundreds of villages have been destroyed, populations forced to flee their homes to areas both within Darfur state and also to neighbouring Chad. Human rights violations have now grown to unprecedented levels. Special courts - which were convened under the premise of preventing murder and armed robbery - have in fact further aggravated the situation, since they fail to adhere to international human rights procedures or even basic standards of justice. Armed groups with no basic command and control structure terrorise local populations, committing rape, extra judicial killings, arbitrary arrests, robbery and arson. While there have been some reports of atrocities being committed by the rebel groups, the overwhelming majority of these violations still remains the responsibility of government forces and government sponsored militia groups. Civilians, who stand in the middle of this conflict, bear the overwhelming brunt of human rights violations; something which they have little means to defend themselves against.
The nature of the crisis
Over the course of the last year, the escalating violence has disproportionally affected "African" tribes in the area such as Fur, Zaghawa and Massalit. These tribes have complained for some time about indiscriminate attacks by nomadic groups, mainly based around access to resources and grazing rights. In the last year however, the crisis has taken on a far more overtly political and pernicious tone, with insecurity increasing as one side have found governmental support for their efforts to drive the indigenous tribes from their lands.
On 3 September 2003 in Abachi, Chad, an agreement between the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) and the Government of Sudan (GoS) looked set to improve the situation. The agreement documented the need for ceasefire, the release of prisoners of war involved in events in Darfur and the cessation of all operations that contributed to the deterioration of security in the region. As a result, around 100 political prisoners were released in Khartoum and Darfur; a move that SOAT welcomed and encouraged.
However, while these initial steps seemed promising, the situation in Darfur subsequently took a turn for the worse and continued to deteriorate with the collapse of the peace talks between the SLA and the GoS in N'djamena, Chad. The fighting resumed even with the extension of the ceasefire agreement. The conflict now continues with pitched battles ensuing between the government and government-sponsored militias on side and rebel groups such as the SLA and JEM on the other.
To quell the armed political groups, the GoS launched a military campaign using its own forces and armed proxy militia, the Janjaweed (armed men on horses). The Janjaweed, supported by GoS, launched a terror campaign against those who are suspected of supporting the SLA or JEM - alleged to be African tribes - such as the Fur and Zaghawa, as well as Arab tribes that are not cooperating such as the Dorok.
The move to attack non-combatants escalated the crisis exponentially. According to UN estimates (IRIN, 8 December 2003), the crisis now affects more than one million persons, with 3,000 reported killed, 670,000 internally displaced, with approximately 100,000 living as refugees in neighbouring Chad. There have been numerous reported cases of well-coordinated attacks on towns and villages and areas thought to be rebel strongholds by well-armed government militia & government forces.
Where the ground based attacks are concerned, there has been a sustained campaign which targets civilians and civilian infrastructure. Typically raids take place in the early hours of the morning, often burning entire villages to the ground. In addition, cattle are killed or looted, crops destroyed and the inhabitants forced to flee for their lives. The stated aim of such action according to local inhabitants is to destroy the livelihood of those living in the area and to make difficult the survival of those who become refugees.
Indiscriminate aerial bombardment of towns and villages by government Antonov aircraft also augment such attacks. These bombings take place in areas where the opposition to the government and militia are thought to be strongest, although there is no effort to distinguish civilian from non-civilian targets. As Amnesty International has pointed out, the bombings usually consist of shrapnel filled boxes being ejected from the back of planes. In addition helicopter gunships also shell villages and their inhabitants. Taken together such bombardments can be extremely destructive, levying high and indiscriminate amounts of damage.
Where human rights are concerned, emerging reports show that human rights abuses are rife in the region. The overwhelming majority of the atrocities committed stem from Janjaweed and GoS sponsored action. Civilians, primarily due to the indiscriminate way in which GoS action is pursued, inevitably make up the overwhelming majority of the casualties. There have also been some reports of abuses lead by the SLA and JEM, but these are relatively few relative to those sponsored by the GoS and militia at the time of writing
All of these problems have compounded an already difficult humanitarian situation. There is clear evidence that the GoS is imposing severe restrictions on humanitarian relief organisations and that IDP's and refugees are being placed in an extremely vulnerable and dangerous situation. The states of Darfur are naturally geographically remote which make the reporting of human rights violations difficult. This situation and the dearth of information is however being compounded by GoS attempts to place reporting restrictions and restrictions on the media in the area.
The government, which views the insurgency as a security threat, has called on Darfur's tribes to "defend" their homes and property, and support the government's attempt to fight the rebels. This stands at odds however with the ingoing terror campaigns and the large
humanitarian toll being exacted on the inhabitants of the region.
SOAT condemns the extra -judicairy killing of the 168 individual and urges the Government of Sudan to:
i- Conduct a thorough and impartial investigation into the circumstances of these events, in order to identify those
responsible, bring them to trial and apply the penal and/or administrative sanctions as provided by law.
ii- guarantee that adequate reparation is provided to the victims of these abuses
iii- Guarantee the respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedom of association throughout Sudan in accordance with national laws and international human rights standards.
The above recommendations should be sent in appeals to the following
addresses:
His Excellency Lieutenant General Omar Hassan al-Bashir
President of the Republic of Sudan
President' s Palace
PO Box 281, Khartoum, Sudan
Fax: + 24911 783223
Mr Ali Mohamed Osman Yassin
Minister of Justice and Attorney General
Ministry of Justice
Khartoum, Sudan
Fax: + 24911 788941
Mr Mustafa Osman Ismail
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
PO Box 873, Khartoum, Sudan
Fax: + 24911 779383
Mr Yasir Sid Ahmed
Advisory Council for Human Rights
PO Box 302
Khartoum, Sudan
Sudan
Fax: + 24911 770883
His Excellency Ambassador Mr. Ibrahim Mirghani Ibrahim,
Permanent Mission of the Republic of Sudan to the United Nations in Geneva,
PO Box 335,
1211 Geneva,
Switzerland,
Fax: +4122 731 26 56,
E-mail: [email protected].
SOAT is international human rights organisation established in the UK in
1993. If you have any questions about this or any other SOAT information,
please contact us:
SOAT
The Park Business Centre
Kilburn Park Road
London NW6 5LF
Tel: 020 7625 8055
Fax: 020 7372 2656
E-mail: [email protected]
Website: www.soatsudan.org
END.
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Re: هيومان رايتس ووتش: فظاعات الحكومة وميليشياتها شردت مليون شخص من دارفور (Re: elsharief)
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Press ReleaseAFR/873 HR/CN/1065
EIGHT UN HUMAN RIGHTS EXPERTS GRAVELY CONCERNED ABOUT REPORTED
WIDESPREAD ABUSES IN DARFUR, SUDAN
(Delayed in transmission.)
GENEVA, 26 March (UN Information Service) -- The following statement was issued today by eight fact-finding experts of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights:
“We are gravely concerned at the scale of reported human rights abuses and at the humanitarian crisis unfolding in Darfur, Sudan, notwithstanding the progress made in connection with another conflict in the country between the Government and the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Army.
“It is reported that the population in the Darfur region -— mostly from the Fur ethnic communities of the Masalit, Dajo, Tunjur, Tama and Zaghawas —- has been the victim of systematic human rights violations, committed mainly by Government-allied militias such as the Janjaweed, Muraheleen and the Popular Defence Forces. The Government is allegedly encouraging the actions of the militias in order to pursue a strategy of forced displacement of the non-Arab population of the region. Since February 2003, over 100,000 people have reportedly fled across the border to Chad, and as many as 750,000 have been internally displaced within Sudan, a country which already has the world’s largest number of internally displaced persons.
“According to recent reports, the situation has seriously deteriorated with scores of civilians being killed. Information received speaks of attacks against refugees and displaced persons, the rape of women and girls, abduction of children, the burning of dozens of villages, #####ng, and destruction of livestock by the militias. The top United Nations official in the country has described the situation as ‘possibly the world’s hottest war’, characterized by a campaign of ethnic cleansing ‘comparable in character, if not scale, to the Rwanda genocide’.
“We urge all parties in the conflict to respect civilian populations in accordance with international humanitarian and international human rights law. We affirm the absolute necessity of identifying the perpetrators and ensuring that they are held accountable in conformity with international standards.”
The experts are: the Special Rapporteur on torture, Theo van Boven; the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, Yakin Ertürk; the Special Rapporteur on racism, Doudou Diène; the Special Rapporteur on the right to health, Paul Hunt; the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Asma Jahangir; the Special Rapporteur on the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography, Juan Miguel Petit; the Special Rapporteur on the right to food, Jean Ziegler; and the Representative of the Secretary-General on internally displaced persons, Francis Deng. They have transmitted communications to the Government of the Sudan concerning allegations of human rights abuses in the region related to their respective mandates.
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Re: هيومان رايتس ووتش: فظاعات الحكومة وميليشياتها شردت مليون شخص من دارفور (Re: elsharief)
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كلمة الأيام / الإثنين
دارفور بين التدويل والتدخل
المشكلة في التعامل مع ازمة دارفور اليوم ليست كامنة في احتمال (تدويل) الازمة لأن التدويل في درجة من درجاته قد حدث بالفعل ، فالازمة تبحث منذ فترة خارج السودان - في دولة تشاد وتشارك في البحث بصورة او اخرى اطراف خارجية - الخوف ليس من (التدويل) بهذا المعنى الضيق انما الخوف اليوم من (التدخل) الدولي الذي مورس بصورة او اخرى في كثير من مناطق النزاع في العالم بقرار من مجلس الامن تحت بند التدخل لاسباب انسانية) وانتهى باجراءات تقضي لارسال قوات حفظ سلام دولية لتلك المناطق .
وعندما تبدأ منظمات الامم المتحدة في توجيه الاتهامات علنا ، وعندما تتحدث عن الموت جوعا وعن التطهير في أي مكان في العالم فانها تعد المسرح تماما لمثل ذلك لتدخل المباشر في تلك المنطقة ونحن نرى الآن بدايات لهذا السيناريو في التصريحات التي انطلقت بالامس حول ارسال لجنة تقصي الحقائق وحول اتهامات صدرت عن منظمات الامم المتحدة العاملة في الشئون الانسانية.
والطريق الوحيد المتاح لنا لاجهاض هذا التحرك هو النجاح عبر محادثات انجمينا في الوصول لوقف فوري لاطلاق النار في دارفور وتمكين هيئات الاغاثة من الوصول للمحتاجين والتعامل بشفافية تامة مع الموقف حتى تنضح الحقائق كاملة .لايكفي ان ننفي الاتهامات التي توجهها تلك المنظمات ، انما الا وفق هو ان نثبت عبر التحقيق المحايد خطأ تلك الاتهامات وما دامت الحكومة واثقة من ان المعلومات التي تذيعها المنظمات مغلوطة فان التحقيق لن يضيرها بل هو على العكس يحقق لها نتائج ايجابية اذ يساعدها على توضيح الحقائق واثبات خطأ التقارير.
لكن أهم ما يجب ان نركز عليه بعد ان نحقق الوقف الفوري لاطلاق النار هو الوصول الى الحل السياسي الذي يرضي جميع الاطراف ومن هنا تتحول الكرة الى ملعب ابناء دارفور الذين يجب ان يلعبوا دورا اساسيا في خلق اجواء الوفاق الوطني داخل اقليمهم والوصول الى قواسم مشتركة تعيد لهذا الاقليم الانسجام القبلي بين قبائله والتعايش السلمي بين مختلف اعراقه.
واذا كنا نسمع اليوم انباء متفائلة من نيفاشا عن قرب الوصول الى اتفاق سلام شامل فاننا نرجو ان نسمع غدا انباء عن دارفور عبر مفاوضات انجمينا وعبر الاتصالات التي تجري بين ابناء دارفور ومؤتمرهم الذي ينعقد في الخرطوم هذه الايام.
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Re: هيومان رايتس ووتش: فظاعات الحكومة وميليشياتها شردت مليون شخص من دارفور (Re: elsharief)
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عزيزي الشريف
ما ورد في كلمة الايام منطقي و مقبول فكريا وسياسيا ..... لغة المنطق و الكياسة تنجينا من المصائب
Quote:
وعندما تبدأ منظمات الامم المتحدة في توجيه الاتهامات علنا ، وعندما تتحدث عن الموت جوعا وعن التطهير في أي مكان في العالم فانها تعد المسرح تماما لمثل ذلك لتدخل المباشر في تلك المنطقة ونحن نرى الآن بدايات لهذا السيناريو في التصريحات التي انطلقت بالامس حول ارسال لجنة تقصي الحقائق وحول اتهامات صدرت عن منظمات الامم المتحدة العاملة في الشئون الانسانية.
والطريق الوحيد المتاح لنا لاجهاض هذا التحرك هو النجاح عبر محادثات انجمينا في الوصول لوقف فوري لاطلاق النار في دارفور وتمكين هيئات الاغاثة من الوصول للمحتاجين والتعامل بشفافية تامة مع الموقف حتى تنضح الحقائق كاملة
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Re: هيومان رايتس ووتش: فظاعات الحكومة وميليشياتها شردت مليون شخص من دارفور (Re: elsharief)
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الحكومة السودانية ترفض التدخل الخارجي بالإقليم
استئناف مفاوضات دارفور وأنان يهدد بالتدخل العسكري
حذر الأمين العام للأمم المتحدة كوفي أنان من أن تحركا عسكريا من الخارج قد يصبح ضروريا لوقف ما سماها عمليات التطهير العرقي الجارية في دارفور غربي السودان.
وقال أنان في كلمة أمام لجنة حقوق الإنسان التابعة للأمم المتحدة بمناسبة الذكرى العاشرة للإبادة في رواندا إن موظفي الإغاثة الإنسانية وخبراء حقوق الإنسان يحتاجون للوصول إلى دارفور لتقديم مساعدات لمئات الآلاف من السكان الذين طردوا من ديارهم ونزح بعضهم إلى تشاد المجاورة.
وأضاف أن هؤلاء الموظفين يحتاجون للوصول إلى الضحايا وإذا منعوا من ذلك فعلى المجتمع الدولي أن يكون مستعدا للقيام بتحرك سريع ومناسب، موضحا أن هذا التحرك يعني مجموعة من الخطوات قد تتضمن الوسائل العسكرية.
وأعلن أنان أيضا عزمه إرسال فريق رفيع المستوى إلى دارفور لوضع تقييم أكثر دقة وشمولية لحجم وطبيعة هذه الأزمة وذلك بدعوة من الحكومة السودانية.
وقد رفضت الخرطوم التدخل الخارجي في دارفور لكنها أبدت الاستعداد لقبول مساعدات لسكان الإقليم الذين شردتهم الحرب. وتعتبر الحكومة أن ما يجري في دارفور صراع محلي لا تريد تدويله وهو ما جعلها في البداية تحتج على وجود المراقبين الدوليين.
وتشير تقديرات للأمم المتحدة إلى أن الصراع في المنطقة أدى إلى تشريد مليون شخص. ونزح أكثر من 100 ألف شخص إلى تشاد المجاورة.
وحسب مصادر منظمات الإغاثة المختلفة, أوقعت المعارك الجارية منذ فبراير/شباط 2003 بين القوات الحكومية ومتمردي دارفور حوالي عشرة آلاف قتيل وتسببت في تهجير 670 ألف شخص في السودان و100 ألف لاجئ إلى تشاد.
وتقول منظمات غير حكومية ومسؤولون من الأمم المتحدة إن مليشيات تدعمها حكومة الخرطوم ترتكب مجازر وعمليات اغتصاب ونهب بحق أفراد قبائل أفريقية الأصل في المنطقة وترغمها على مغادرة قراها.
مباحثات نجامينا
ويتزامن تحذير أنان مع إعلان مصادر قريبة من المحادثات من أن المفاوضات المباشرة التي بدأت مساء الثلاثاء وتواصلت ليلا في نجامينا بين أطراف النزاع في منطقة دارفور ستستانف في وقت لاحق اليوم الأربعاء.
وقالت مصادر متطابقة إن أعضاء الوفد الحكومي السوداني وممثلي المتمردين تبادلوا العناق والمصافحة في حضور الرئيس التشادي إدريس ديبي الذي يترأس الاجتماع.
وقد بدأت الوفود مساء الثلاثاء للمرة الأولى منذ بدء المفاوضات في 30 مارس/آذار في نجامينا محادثات مباشرة بين الحكومة السودانية وكلِ فصائل متمردي دارفور.
وقال مصدر مقرب من المحادثات إنه بعد توقف الجلسة, عقدت جلسة ثانية مجددا خلال الليل بحضور الرئيس التشادي ومراقبين دوليين من الأمم المتحدة والاتحاد الأوروبي والولايات المتحدة.
وتركز المحادثات على اقتراح تسوية قدمته تشاد السبت الماضي وافقت عليه الحكومةُ السودانية، إلى جانب السماح بوصول المعونات الإنسانية إلى غربي السودان.
ويسعى مفاوضو حركتي تحرير السودان والعدل والمساواة للوصل لاتفاق بشأن مسألة المعونات أولا قبل الانتقال إلى الجانب السياسي.
وكانت الحركتان قد بدأتا في فبراير/شباط 2003 تمردا على الحكومة متهمتين إياها بتهميش منطقة غربي السودان.
المصدر :الجزيرة + وكالات
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Re: هيومان رايتس ووتش: فظاعات الحكومة وميليشياتها شردت مليون شخص من دارفور (Re: elsharief)
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Never Again? Darfur, Sudan
By Dr. Gregory H. Stanton
President, Genocide Watch
Ten years ago, the world abandoned Rwanda’s Tutsis to genocide. 800,000 people were murdered by their Hutu neighbors. Although a heroic Canadian general, Lt. Gen. Roméo Dallaire requested reinforcements for the 2,500 United Nations peacekeepers in Rwanda and a mandate to stop the genocide, the U.N. Security Council instead voted to withdraw U.N. troops. We watched and washed our hands.
Today 800,000 Africans from Darfur, Sudan have been driven from their homes by Arab militias, supported by Sudanese government air strikes, in the worst case of ethnic cleansing since Kosovo. 700,000 are in camps inside Sudan closed to relief organizations and the press. Over 100,000 have fled across the desert border into Chad, where over 10,000 have already died of hunger and thirst.
Armed by the Sudanese government, the Arab “Janjaweed” militias murder, rape, and pillage African villages with impunity. Their leaders from the “Arab Gathering” credit the “Arab race” with “civilization,” and consider black Africans to be “abd” (male slaves) and “kahdim” (female slaves.) In Tweila, North Darfur, on 27 February 2004, according to the U.N. Darfur Task Force, the Janjaweed and Sudanese army murdered at least 200 people and gang-raped over 200 girls and women, many in front of their fathers and husbands, whom they then killed. The Janjaweed branded those they raped on their hands to mark them permanently so they would be shunned.
Genocidal massacres and mass rape are the tactics of ethnic cleansing. Their intent is to terrorize Africans such as the Fur, Massaleit, and Zaghawa into leaving Darfur, where an African kingdom and sultanate ruled for 2000 years.
Genocide is the intentional destruction, in whole or in part, of a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group. Ethnic cleansing is not quite genocide, because its intent is expulsion, rather than physical destruction of a group. But genocidal massacres are a common tactic in ethnic cleansing. Victims are selected solely because they are members of an ethnic or racial group. They are murdered or raped to terrorize the rest of the group into leaving.
The Arab militias of Darfur want to drive out black Africans in order to confiscate their grazing lands, water resources, and cattle herds.
Farther south, the Sudanese government wants to confiscate rich oil reserves under the lands of the Nuer, Dinka, Shilluk, Nuba and other black African groups. A twenty year civil war has driven thousands of Africans into refugee camps, which the Sudanese air force has regularly bombed. The Khartoum government has repeatedly cut off food aid. Over two million people have died.
A “peace process” mediated by the U.S., U.K., Norway, and Italy is hammering out an agreement to end the civil war in the south. Recently there was much exultation when the Sudanese government and southern rebel leaders agreed to divide up the oil revenues. You can be sure no African peasants will ever see a penny of the money. You can also be sure that in five years, when the southerners are to decide on “self-determination,” the northern Arabs won’t let them decide.
For Darfur, many governments and human rights groups now call for another “peace process.” They also call for another U.N. relief program for the refugees and displaced persons. Both are needed. But neither will solve the fundamental problem, which is the genocidal nature of the government in Khartoum. Genocides and ethnic cleansings in Sudan will end only when the al-Bashir government is overthrown.
Diplomats always prefer “peace processes” because they’re what diplomats are trained to do. But in Arusha in 1993 – 1994, the “peace process” was a sideshow that distracted attention from preparations for genocide in the main tent in Rwanda. In Sudan, as in Rwanda, diplomats see their job as “conflict resolution.” They fundamentally misunderstand genocide and ethnic cleansing.
Genocide is not conflict. It is one-sided mass murder. Jews had no conflict with Nazis. Armenians posed no threat to Turks. Bengalis did not try to massacre Pakistanis. Tutsis did not advocate mass murder of Hutus in Rwanda in 1994. Yet all were victims of genocide. Conflict resolution is laudable, but it is not genocide prevention.
Ethnic cleansing and political mass murders are also not the result of conflict. Nor are they the result of “state failure.” Instead, they result from too much state power, from state-ism. The man-made famines in China, Cambodia, Ethiopia, Sudan, and North Korea could not have been prevented by diplomacy or humanitarian relief.
The United Nations can seldom prevent genocide. It is an association of states, represented by governments that wave the flag of national sovereignty whenever anyone intrudes into their “internal affairs.” The Sudanese government evidently believes it has the sovereign right to commit genocide and ethnic cleansing. Who will stop it?
The Darfur ethnic cleansing has already spilled over the Chad border, and is a threat to international peace and security. It should be on the agenda of the U.N. Security Council. The Security Council may pass hortatory resolutions. But forceful intervention will be blocked by the Arab League and non-aligned movement. Canada and the European Union will not intervene without U.N. authorization. The U.S. and U.K. have all they can handle in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Why, ten years after Rwanda, has the world reacted so slowly to ethnic cleansing in Sudan?
Racism: African lives still do not equal the value of the lives of Kosovars and other white people, who are inside our circle of moral concern.
National sovereignty: The norm of international law is still against intervention, even when a government has forfeited its own claim to legitimacy by committing genocide or ethnic cleansing against its own people.
Impunity: The world’s leaders know they can still get away with mass murder. The International Criminal Court does not have universal jurisdiction unless a situation is referred to it by the U.N. Security Council. The U.S. will prevent that. Sudan has not ratified the I.C.C. treaty, so is not subject to it.
Indifference: We still don’t care enough to demand that our political leaders send our very best, our sons and daughters, to prevent and stop genocides.
Two years ago, Genocide Watch and the International Campaign to End Genocide called for the appointment of a U.N. Secretary General’s Special Advisor for Genocide Prevention, to warn the U.N. Security Council of incipient genocide and ethnic cleansing. In Stockholm in January, Kofi Annan responded positively to the idea. We hope he will announce creation of the position on April 7, the anniversary of the beginning of the Rwandan genocide.
We need military forces that can intervene with heavy infantry to prevent or stop genocides when they begin. Canada has led the way in preparing its armed forces for international peacekeeping. (If the U.S. had supported Canada’s 1996 plan for a U.N. force to take control of the Rwandan refugee camps, the devastating war in the Congo might have been avoided and three million lives saved.) We are hopeful about the European Union’s creation of a Rapid Response Force, and the E.U. deployment to the Eastern Congo. The African Union’s announcement that it will create a similar force is a sign that “Never Again” may become more than an empty slogan.
We need a world movement to prevent genocide and ethnic cleansing. It will have to be as big as the anti-slavery movement. Ultimately, preventing genocide and ethnic cleansing means creating the political will in our leaders to lead. We must tell them that never again will we believe them when they say they didn’t know. Never again will we excuse them when they fail to act. Never again will we forget that we are all members of the same race, the human race.
Source:
http://www.genocidewatch.org/Never%20Again.htm
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 Re: هيومان رايتس ووتش: فظاعات الحكومة وميليشياتها شردت مليون شخص من دارفور (Re: elsharief)
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هيومان رايت ووتش اكذوبة اخرى في عالم المنظمات التي لا ترى الا بعين واحدة
المجازر التي تجري الان الان الان في العراق لا تهمها كثيرا ويمكنها بعد فترة ان تخرج بيان مستحي اما ما يحدث في دارفور فهو قيامة صغرى كما تحاول ان تصوره . تريد ان تقول ان ما حدث في رواندا وبورندي قد يحدث في دارفور
وقبل لحظات ايضا صرح الامين العام للامم المتحدة - ان منظمته حماها الله واطال عمرها - قد تتدخل عسكريا في دارفور -بعد ان حسمت كل قضايا العالم الساخنة
كبرت كلمة تخرج من افواههم ان يقولون الا كذبا
ان المسؤول الأول والأخير عن المعاناة التي تحدث لابناء دارفور هي الحركة المسلحة والمتمردة مدعومة من نظام افورقي
واذا كان كل مظلوم او مهضوم حقه يحمل السلاح وينشر الفوضى والقتل والدمار حتى يطالب بحقه فعلى الدنيا السلام
ان الحكومة مسؤولة مسؤولية كاملة امام الشعب بايجاد حل سريع وعادل يفرض هيبة القانون والدولة أولا ومن ثم وضع خطة كبيرة وجادة لتنمية كل اطراف السودان بعدالة
والفتنة ... لعن من ايقظها
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Re: هيومان رايتس ووتش: فظاعات الحكومة وميليشياتها شردت مليون شخص من دارفور (Re: elsharief)
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Sudan Organisation Against Torture
SOAT Press Release: 6 April 2004
Torture and Extrajudicial execution of 168 people in Darfur
Officers from military intelligence and militia leaders (Janjaweed) arrested 168 people all belongs to the Fur Tribe, 5 - 7March 2004, and then summarily executed them at security offices in Delaij, Wadi Salih province, Western Darfur State. The arrests took place in the villages of Zaray, Fairgo, Tairgo and Kaskildo, all south of Garsilla, Wadi Salih province. They were detained for alleged involvement with the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) and taken to the security offices in Delaij, a village 30 kilometres east of Garsilla town, Wadi Salih province. During their detention the 168 people were allegedly subjected to torture and summarily executed by firing squad. SOAT has received information that they were executed outside of the judicial process and were not given their rights as guaranteed by Sudanese law.
Below are the names of some of the people who were executed ( 118 ).
A) People from Zaray village:
1. NASREL DEAN AHMED ABDEL RAHMAN
2. IDREAS AHMED ABDEL RAHMAN
3. ISMAEAL MOHAMED DAWOOD
4. NOUR ALDEAN MOHAMED DAWOOD
5. ABAKER MOHAMED ISSA
6. OMER ADAM ABDEL SHAFI
7. MOHAMED AHMED MOHAMED KHAMIS
8. OMER SIDEAG ABAKER
9. MOHAMED ABAKER ATEAM
10. ABDELLA ABDEL RAHMAN
11. MOHAMED ADAM ATEAM
12. ABAKER SALIH ABAKER
13. ADAM YAHYA ADAM
14. ISSA ADAM
15. ISHAG ADAM BILAL
16. SIDEAG ABAKER ISHAG
17. SHAYIB ADAM ABDEL MAHMOUD
B) People from Fairgo village:
1. MOHAMED MOHAMED ADAM
2. ABDEL MAWLA MUSA
3. HAROUN AHMED HAROUN
4. MOHAMED SIDEAG YOUSIF
5. BAKOUR SOULEIMAN ABAKER
6. IBRAHEAM AHMED
7. MOHAMED BOURMA HASSAN
8. MOHAMED ISSA ADAM
9. ZAKAREA ABDEL MAWLA ABAKER
10. ADAM MOHAMED ABU ALGASIM
11. ADAM ABDEL MAJEAD MOHAMED
12. OMDA: ADAM ADAM DEGAISH
13. KHALEEL ISSA TOUR
C) People from Tairgo village:
1. IDREAS ADAM AHMED
2. YAGOUB ADAM AHMED
3. ALFAKI HAROUN ADAM ISSA
4. SHAREF ALDEAN SALIH MUSA
5. SHAREF ALDEAN ABAKER ABDEL KAREAM
6. MOHAMED IBRAHEAM ARMAN
7. MUSA TAHIE IBRAHEAM
8. MUSA MOHAMED YAHYA
9. JIBREAL MUSA MOHAMED
10. YAHYA ABDEL KAREAM ABDELLA
11. ADAM ABDEL KAREAM MOHAMED
12. ADAM MOHAMED IDREAS
13. ADAM ABDEL MAJEAD MOHAMED
14. ABDEL RAZIG ADAM ABEL MAJEAD
15. FADOUL ADAM HAMID
16. ISSA HAROUN ADAM
17. YAGOUB MOHAMED YAGOUB
D) People from Kaskildo village:
1. ISHAG AHMED ISHAG
2. ISSA HAROUN ISMAEAL
3. NOURAIN IDREAS ADAM
4. ABDEL MAWLA HAROUN IBRAHEAM
5. MOHAMED YAHYA HUSSAIN
6. SALIH YOUNIS MOHAMED
7. HAROUN MOHAMED HAROUN
8. SOULEIMAN AHMED HASSAN
9. MOHAMED ISSA HAROUN
10. IDREAS HASSAN YAHYA
11. MUSA ADAM ABDEL MAWLA
12. ABDEL MOUMIN SALIH
13. ABAKER ISMAEAL
14. MUSA ABDEL GADIR
15. OMDA: MOHAMED SOULEIMAN ABDEL SHAFI
16. OMDA: GANTOUR
17. ADAM ABDEL RAHMAN
18. ISMAEAL ABDEL AZIZ
19. YAYA AHMED ZAROUG
20. MOHAMED OMER AHMED ZARUOG
E) People from Kirting village:
1. HASSAN ISMAEAL DAWOOD
2. ALHADI ADAM ABDEL KAREEM
3. FADOUL ADAM HAMID
4. ADAM ABDEL MAJEED
5. ABDEL RAZIG ADAM ABDEL KAREEM
6. ISSA HAROUN
7. YAGOUB MOHAMED
8. ABDEL RAZIG ABAKER
9. ALHAJ SALIH HASSAN
10. FAKI SALIH ABDEL KAREEM
11. MOHAMED BAHER
12. FAKI ISMAEAL SOULEIMAN
13. FAKI ADAM ABDELLA
14. ADAM ABAKER ISSA
15. FAKI ABDELLA KERRY
F) People from Kuso village:
1. HUSSAIN ABDELLA
2. SAYYID ABDELLA MUSA
3. MOHAMED SALIH
4. ISMAEAL
5. MUSA YOUSIF
6. ABAKER HUSSAIN
7. YAYA YOUSIF
8. FAKI YOUSIF TAGALAY
9. IBRAHEAM ADAM SOULEIMAN
10. AHMED ISHAG
G) People from Gaba Village:
1. OMDA: JIDDO KHAMEAS ABDEL KAREEM
2. ALSHAIKH: ZAKAREA ABAKER ADAM
3. MOHAMED ADAM MOHAMED BAHER
4. ADAM MUSA YOUSIF
5. HAMZA HUSSAIN ISHAG
6. ABDEL KAREEM HUSSAIN ISHAG
H) People from Sogo Village:
1. FAKI HAROUN ABDEL RAHMAN
2. YAHYA ABDEL KAREEM RIZIG
3. MUSA AHMED YOUSIF
4. JIBREAL MUSA AHMED
5. IDREAS ADAM AHMED
6. YAGOUB ADAM AHMED
7. MUSA ALTAHIR ADAM
8. MOHAMED IBRAHEAM NASOUR
9. SHAREF ALDEAN ABAKER YAHYA
10. SHAREF SALIH
I) People from Masa Village:
1. ABDELLA ADAM ABDEL RAHMAN
2. ADAM YAHYA
3. ABDELLA MUSA
4. ADAM ADEL RAHMAN ISHAG
5. ALSHAIKH ISMAEAL
6. OMDA: MOHAMED SOULEIMAN
7. OMDA: ADAM HUSSAIN
8. OMDA: AHMED GANTOUR
9. OMDA: YAHYA AHMED ZAROUG
10. MOHAMED OMER AHMED ZAROUG
J) People from Um Jammaina Village:
1. ALSHAIKH ADAM ABAKER RIZIG
2. MOHAMED ABAKER DAWOOD
3. MOHAMED SALIH
4. YAHYA YAGOUB IBRAHEAM
5. ADAM YAGOUB IBRAHEAM
6. OSMAN YOUSIF
7. ADAM HUSSAIN
8. HAROUN SOULEIMAN
9. ADAM SALIH ALI
This information were provided by eyewitness and tribal leaders from the place where the 168 people were executed. Further verification were obtained by independent witness who confirm the incident to SOAT.
Background
The situation in Darfur – the three westernmost states of the country – has worsened dramatically. Sustained attacks by government forces and local Arab militias on local civilian populations have led to catastrophic levels of violence and destruction. Faced with scant government accountability and little chance of international intervention, new armed political groups such as the Sudanese Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/SLA), and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) have emerged within the region.
While there were initial efforts to pursue a political resolution to the problem, these attempts degenerated into violence when the GoS and the rebel groups resolved to the use of violence. Since this point, the GoS has systematically attempted to crush the insurgency using aerial bombardment, militia forces and regular armed forces.
Darfur, a region that has traditionally suffered from massive underdevelopment, lack of infrastructure and resources, is now in the grip of a conflict that threatens the lives of many of its inhabitants. Hundreds of villages have been destroyed, populations forced to flee their homes to areas both within Darfur state and also to neighbouring Chad. Human rights violations have now grown to unprecedented levels. Special courts - which were convened under the premise of preventing murder and armed robbery - have in fact further aggravated the situation, since they fail to adhere to international human rights procedures or even basic standards of justice. Armed groups with no basic command and control structure terrorise local populations, committing rape, extra judicial killings, arbitrary arrests, robbery and arson. While there have been some reports of atrocities being committed by the rebel groups, the overwhelming majority of these violations still remains the responsibility of government forces and government sponsored militia groups. Civilians, who stand in the middle of this conflict, bear the overwhelming brunt of human rights violations; something which they have little means to defend themselves against. The nature of the crisis
Over the course of the last year, the escalating violence has disproportionally affected "African" tribes in the area such as Fur, Zaghawa and Massalit. These tribes have complained for some time about indiscriminate attacks by nomadic groups, mainly based around access to resources and grazing rights. In the last year however, the crisis has taken on a far more overtly political and pernicious tone, with insecurity increasing as one side have found governmental support for their efforts to drive the indigenous tribes from their lands.
On 3 September 2003 in Abachi, Chad, an agreement between the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) and the Government of Sudan (GoS) looked set to improve the situation. The agreement documented the need for ceasefire, the release of prisoners of war involved in events in Darfur and the cessation of all operations that contributed to the deterioration of security in the region. As a result, around 100 political prisoners were released in Khartoum and Darfur; a move that SOAT welcomed and encouraged.
However, while these initial steps seemed promising, the situation in Darfur subsequently took a turn for the worse and continued to deteriorate with the collapse of the peace talks between the SLA and the GoS in N'djamena, Chad. The fighting resumed even with the extension of the ceasefire agreement. The conflict now continues with pitched battles ensuing between the government and government-sponsored militias on side and rebel groups such as the SLA and JEM on the other.
To quell the armed political groups, the GoS launched a military campaign using its own forces and armed proxy militia, the Janjaweed (armed men on horses). The Janjaweed, supported by GoS, launched a terror campaign against those who are suspected of supporting the SLA or JEM - alleged to be African tribes - such as the Fur and Zaghawa, as well as Arab tribes that are not cooperating such as the Dorok.
The move to attack non-combatants escalated the crisis exponentially. According to UN estimates (IRIN, 8 December 2003), the crisis now affects more than one million persons, with 3,000 reported killed, 670,000 internally displaced, with approximately 100,000 living as refugees in neighbouring Chad. There have been numerous reported cases of well-coordinated attacks on towns and villages and areas thought to be rebel strongholds by well-armed government militia & government forces.
Where the ground based attacks are concerned, there has been a sustained campaign which targets civilians and civilian infrastructure. Typically raids take place in the early hours of the morning, often burning entire villages to the ground. In addition, cattle are killed or looted, crops destroyed and the inhabitants forced to flee for their lives. The stated aim of such action according to local inhabitants is to destroy the livelihood of those living in the area and to make difficult the survival of those who become refugees.
Indiscriminate aerial bombardment of towns and villages by government Antonov aircraft also augment such attacks. These bombings take place in areas where the opposition to the government and militia are thought to be strongest, although there is no effort to distinguish civilian from non-civilian targets. As Amnesty International has pointed out, the bombings usually consist of shrapnel filled boxes being ejected from the back of planes. In addition helicopter gunships also shell villages and their inhabitants. Taken together such bombardments can be extremely destructive, levying high and indiscriminate amounts of damage.
Where human rights are concerned, emerging reports show that human rights abuses are rife in the region. The overwhelming majority of the atrocities committed stem from Janjaweed and GoS sponsored action. Civilians, primarily due to the indiscriminate way in which GoS action is pursued, inevitably make up the overwhelming majority of the casualties. There have also been some reports of abuses lead by the SLA and JEM, but these are relatively few relative to those sponsored by the GoS and militia at the time of writing
All of these problems have compounded an already difficult humanitarian situation. There is clear evidence that the GoS is imposing severe restrictions on humanitarian relief organisations and that IDP's and refugees are being placed in an extremely vulnerable and dangerous situation. The states of Darfur are naturally geographically remote which make the reporting of human rights violations difficult. This situation and the dearth of information is however being compounded by GoS attempts to place reporting restrictions and restrictions on the media in the area.
The government, which views the insurgency as a security threat, has called on Darfur's tribes to "defend" their homes and property, and support the government's attempt to fight the rebels. This stands at odds however with the ingoing terror campaigns and the large
humanitarian toll being exacted on the inhabitants of the region.
SOAT condemns the extra -judicairy killing of the 168 individual and urges the Government of Sudan to:
i- Carry out an independent investigation into the incident and brought the perpetrators to justice
ii- Compensate the families of the victims
iii- Guarantee the respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedom of association throughout Sudan in accordance with national laws and international human rights standards.
The above recommendations should be sent in appeals to the following
addresses:
His Excellency Lieutenant General Omar Hassan al-Bashir
President of the Republic of Sudan
President' s Palace
PO Box 281, Khartoum, Sudan
Fax: + 24911 783223
Mr Ali Mohamed Osman Yassin
Minister of Justice and Attorney General
Ministry of Justice
Khartoum, Sudan
Fax: + 24911 788941
Mr Mustafa Osman Ismail
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
PO Box 873, Khartoum, Sudan
Fax: + 24911 779383
Mr Yasir Sid Ahmed
Advisory Council for Human Rights
PO Box 302
Khartoum, Sudan
Sudan
Fax: + 24911 770883
His Excellency Ambassador Mr. Ibrahim Mirghani Ibrahim,
Permanent Mission of the Republic of Sudan to the United Nations in Geneva,
PO Box 335,
1211 Geneva,
Switzerland,
Fax: +4122 731 26 56,
E-mail: [email protected].
SOAT is international human rights organisation established in the UK in
1993. If you have any questions about this or any other SOAT information,
please contact us:
SOAT
The Park Business Centre
Kilburn Park Road
London NW6 5LF
Tel: 020 7625 8055
Fax: 020 7372 2656
E-mail: [email protected]
Website: www.soatsudan.org
END.
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Re: هيومان رايتس ووتش: فظاعات الحكومة وميليشياتها شردت مليون شخص من دارفور (Re: elsharief)
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النظام بنظرته القصيرة وبصيرته القاصرة اعتقد بانه سوف يحسم الثورة الوليدة (بالسحق) العسكري لتكون عظة وعبرة لمن يعتبر من فيالق المهمشين في كل بقاع السودان ولتكون (ورقة ) تلوح بها في وجه المفاوض الجنوبي, غير ان النتيجة لم تكن سوي صولات وجولات من الحرب انتشر الي كل ربوع دارفور وذاقت به النظام مرارات الهزائم وقتلت الالاف من الابرياء واحرقت الزرع والضرع, كما استخدم النظام وسائله الميكافيلية بكل قسوة وتعسف فجند المواطنين من ضعاف النفوس المرتزقة ( الجنجاويد ) واذاق السكان المدنيين في دارفور الويل والتنكيل ولكن الثورة لم تمت. كما ان جرائم النظام التي اعتقد بانها وسائل لسحق الثورة قد ارتدت عليه فلاحقته منظمات العالم وادانته كل ذي قلب ورحمة من البشرية جمعاء, و(فلتت) منه ملف دارفور وانزلق الي ساحات (التدويل ) رغم (العضة القوية) من النظام فكانت اتفاقية ابشي الاولى والثانية مدخلا جديدا للحوار والبحث عن الحلول بنسبة للثوار والعالم ووسيلة ميكافيلية اخري للتلفيق والالتفاف علي المطروح من القضايا للحوار بالنسبة للنظام.فكان التعنت والتصلب وخرق بنود وقف اطلاق النار من قبل النظام من اجل خلق زرائع (لفركشة ) المفاوضات والتسبب في انهيارها بعد ان حقق اهدافه في كسب الوقت وتجميع قواته المنهارة وشراء ذمم بعد ضعاف النفوس من ابناء دارفور.هكذا اعلن البشير عن سحق الثورة خلال ايام فدخلت دارفور في جولة اخري من الحرب شعار النظام فيه سياسة الارض المحروقة فاضاف لسجله الاسود ارقام قياسية اخري غير ان الثورة لم تمت, وادعاءات النظام في سحق الثورة واعلان عفو عن المتمردين وتشكيل مؤتمر جامع (لحلحلة) المجتمع في دارفور كلها احلام يقظة ذهبت ادراج الرياح . فعصب الثورة وروحها قوية وعميقة بما يمكنها من امتصاص وتعرية كل هذه الميكافلية الحكومية.
في ظل الحلقة المفرغة بين نظام لا يتحاور من اجل البحث عن الحلول للقضايا المحورية التي تهدد وجود الدولة نفسها وانما يبحث عن مكاسب انية وبين قوى ثورية وعت حقوقها وقضاياها الاساسية وحددت اهدافها ووسائلها وماضية في تحقيقها مهما كلفها من نفس ونفيس , سوف تشهد ملفات الصراع في السودان المزيد من التدويل والمآسي وسوف يقدم النظام في اخر المطاف المزيد من التنازلات في كل جولة جديدة للمفاوضات تاتي بعد صولة حربية لانه الاكثر ضعفا في ساحات القتال والاسوا سجلا في ميادين الحقوق والحريات . كما ان الجولة التي تعقبها صولة لابد ان تنتهي عند صولة حربية او جولة تفاوضية ما وحتي ذلك الحين ترقبوا المزيد من المفاجئات الميكافيلية من الخرطوم.
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elsharief
Yasir Elsharif
Elsadiq
Deng
Raja
nada ali
luai
د. بشار صقر
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست