دعواتكم لزميلنا المفكر د.الباقر العفيف بالشفاء العاجل
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 من هو هنري كورييل؟؟
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هنري كورييل (1913 -1978 ) شخصية ارتبطت بتاريخ الحركات و الأحزاب الشيوعية العربية و خصوصا في مصر و قد تحدث عنه كل الذين اهتموا بهذا التاريخ ..و معظم الذين كتبوا مذكراتهم من قادة التنظيمات الشيوعية المصرية افردوا جزءا منها للحديث عن هذا الرجل و عن علاقتهم الشخصية به .
و يعتبر كتاب "رجل فريد" للكاتب اليساري الشهير جيل بيرو من الكتب المهمة في هذا الخصوص و قد قام الكاتب المصري اليساري المعروف صنع الله إبراهيم بتقديم قرأه مختصرة لهذا الكتاب الذي يقول عنه أنه المصدر الوحيد الشامل لسيرة كورييل و أنه يتميز بأسلوب ديناميكي حي يمزج المعلومات الوفيرة بأحكام غير مطلقة و يروي القصة الكاملة لكواليس الحياة المجيدة المأسوية كما يلقي ضوءا كاشفا على شخصية الرجل الذي أثار الكثير من الجدل و ذلك في كتاب صنع الله "يوميات الواحات"
و حسب بيرو فإن جد كورييل كان مرابيا أما أبوه دانييل الأعمى الشغوف بالموسيقى فقد كان صاحب بنك. و جاءت أمه من أثرة ثرية في اسطنبول تحولت للكاثوليكية في صباها. كانت الأسرة تسكن في فيلا في الزمالك تضم 17 غرفة بخلاف غرف الخدم(طباخ و مساعده و ثلاثة سفرجية و سائق و غيرهم ) و حديقة كبيرة..ويقول الكاتب أن الأغنياء الأجانب في مصر و الذين عاشوا في مصر أكثر من قرن و الذين يحملون الجنسية الايطالية ، قد رفضوا الجنسية المصرية لينتفعوا بنظام الامتيازات الأجنبي..إلا أن هنري عندما خير في 1935 بين الجنسيتين اختار المصرية و بدأ دراسة اللغة العربية..و بسبب دراسته في الليسيه و نوعية الثقافة كان يتطلع لفرنسا لذا في 1939 تقدم هو و أخوه الأكبر راؤول بطلب للقنصلية الفرنسية في القاهرة للتجنيد في الجيش الفرنسي كواجب وطني .
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Re: من هو هنري كورييل؟؟ (Re: سيف النصر محي الدين محمد أحمد)
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| Quote: هنري كورييل (1913 -1978 ) شخصية ارتبطت بتاريخ الحركات و الأحزاب الشيوعية |
| Quote: الأسرة تسكن في فيلا في الزمالك تضم 17 غرفة بخلاف غرف الخدم(طباخ و مساعده و ثلاثة سفرجية و سائق و غيرهم ) |
اغرب شخصية ,, شيوعى ينحدر من عائلة برجوازية!!
ياريت اقدر الم فى الكتاب دا,, تاريخ شيق!!
شكرا للمعلومة الثرة!!
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Re: من هو هنري كورييل؟؟ (Re: سيف النصر محي الدين محمد أحمد)
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التحق هو و أخوه فيما بعد بالمدرسة اليسوعية في الفجالة..و قال عن هذه المدرسة فيما بعد" لقد نمّت لدّي قيم أخلاقية عالية..و لكن الحاجة لمفهوم شامل للعالم ..وجدته في الماركسية."
أعده أبوه لدراسة الحقوق ثم الالتحاق بالبنك . في العشرين من عمره أصيب بالسأم و الضجر. إنه وسيم يقص شعره على الموضة و له ابتسامة ساحرة تفتن الفتيات يقول بيرو (ينتقل من واحدة إلى أخرى. يحب اجتذابهن و أن يؤخذ منهن غلابا.يحب أن تغتصبه المرأة إلى حد ما. و يبدي مقاومة في بعض الأحيان فلاحقته الشائعات حتى قبره"انه عاجزا جنسيا".ضعيف الصحة و يتعاطى الكثير من المنشطات و المنبهات مما جعله يبدو دائما على حافة الانهيار و جعل أعصابه متوترة لأمد طويل.)
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Re: من هو هنري كورييل؟؟ (Re: سيف النصر محي الدين محمد أحمد)
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كان أخوه راؤول هو من قدمه لليسار و الماركسية إذ أنه كان قد أقترب من النشاط اليساري في باريس و عند عودته للقاهرة أصدر جريدة أسبوعية انضم هنري لمجلس تحريرها و شاركت الجريدة في حملة قادها الأب عيروط اليسوعي تحت شعار"الحد الأدنى للفلاح المصري حتى يمكن تمييزه من الحيوان خمسة قروش."حيث كانت أجرة الفلاح ثلاثة قروش و الحمار أربعة. سرعان ما مل هنري الجريدة و أخذ يدعو للسيطرة على الجسد و صار نباتيا و تردد على بيوت الدعارة يناشد العاهرات ترك وضعهن كأدوات جنسية.ثم بدأ يدرس الماركسية بتشجيع من أخيه..و هكذا تشكلت أول حلقات دراسة ماركسية على هدى علاقات المصاهرة و القرابة و بفضل شيوعي سويسري كان يعمل بالتدريس بمدرسة البوليس المصري إتجه كورييل للنشاط العملي انطلاقا من النقطة التي طالما وصف من أجلها بالانتهازية :تجميع أكبر عدد ممكن حول أهداف بسيطة.
في 1942 و عندما كان جيش روميل من الحدود المصرية و كانت الجماهير المصرية تهتف إلى الأمام يا روميل و ضعت بريطانيا تحت تصرف اليهود قطارات خاصة متجهة إلى فلسطين و بينما غادر منافساه في قيادة المنظمات الماركسية مارسيل إسرائيل و هيليل شوارتز قرر كورييل البقاء في القاهرة و تنظيم مقاومة الاحتلال الأماني المرتقب لكنه أعتقل و أودع معتقل الزيتون و بعد انتهائه من صيام رمضان مع المعتقلين بدأ إضرابا عن الطعام .و تدخل أبواه لدى النحاس باشا فأفرج عنه. أصبح يعمل في بنك أبيه صباحا و مكتبة الميدان التي أسسها له أبوه مساء و تزوج من روزيت و يجري لقاءات في مقهى جروبي انتهت بإنشاء "الحركة المصرية للتحرر الوطني" كنواة للحزب الشيوعي المصري و أقام أول مدرسة كادر في عزبة والده بالمنصورية ضمت حوالي عشرين كادرا كلهم من المصريين .
وصف بيرو الحركة الشيوعية في ذلك الوقت بأنها تتألف من مجموعة من الشباب المنتمين للبرجوازية الكبيرة الذين كرسوا أنفسهم في حماس برئ للثورة يصنعونها و هم جالسون في شرفة جروبي ،ولديهم خدم أميين يخفون المطبوعات عن المخبرين أما تأنيب البوليس لهؤلاء الشباب فيتم في احترام ، فهناك آباء باشوات يبسطون حمايتهم على ذريتهم.
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Re (Re: سيف النصر محي الدين محمد أحمد)
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الغموض يكتنف حياة هنرى كورييل كما ان اغتياله(سنة1978) كان اكثر غموضاهو سليل اسرة يهودية ثرية اسس
التنظيم الشيوعي المعروف ب(حدتو)الحركة الوطنية للتغيير الوطنى ، الذي رأسه وضمن أعضائه (ماري روزنيئال) و (مارسيل ليون) ، و (إيلي شوارتز) صهر (موشيه ديان) (قائد جيش إسرائيل في حرب 1967م),كما انه هو و شليل شوارتز كانا من رواد الحزب الشيوعى السودانى.
هل كان هنرى كورييل صهيونيا ؟و ان لم يكن كذلك فلماذا ابعده عبد الناصر من مصر ولماذا كان يردد بعد صدور قرار التقسيم المشؤوم سنة 1947 ان اسرائيل سثكون واحة فى صحراء العرب
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Re: Re (Re: Waeil Elsayid Awad)
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Inventory of the papers of the Egyptian communists in exile (Rome group) including the papers of Henry Curiel (1914-1978), 1945-1979 (-1984) (Working paper / IISG) (Paperback)
by Marianne Wigboldus (Author)
Paperback: 54 pages
Publisher: Stichting beheer IISG (1997)
ISBN-10: 9068611186
ISBN-13: 978-9068611182
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Re: Re (Re: Waeil Elsayid Awad)
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الاخ وائل
| Quote: هل كان هنرى كورييل صهيونيا ؟و ان لم يكن كذلك فلماذا ابعده عبد الناصر من مصر ولماذا كان يردد بعد صدور قرار التقسيم المشؤوم سنة 1947 ان اسرائيل سثكون واحة فى صحراء العرب |
نعم كان الرجل صهيونيا متمركسا او قل ماركسيا متصهينا
ولكن عبد الناصر لم يبعده من مصر وانما تم ابعاده عام 1950 منها قبل زمن عبد الناصر .
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re (Re: سيف النصر محي الدين محمد أحمد)
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اسمحوا لى ان اكون ناقلا فى الجز التالى:
سوف يكون مرجعي الأساسي في الجزء القادم هو المستشار طارق البشري وهو قيمة فكرية عليا وشيوعي سابق من الله عليه بالهداية، ولقد كان عضوا في حدتو.. فالرجل إذن عندما يتحدث عنها يتحدث بلسان العارف.
منذ ما يقرب من ربع قرن تنبأ المستشار طارق البشري في كتابه المسلمون والأقباط بأن بعض تلاميذ هنري كوريل سيشكلون قوة سياسية واجتماعية تتبنى السلام مع إسرائيل ، خاصة أن هؤلاء الشيوعيين المصريين من تلاميذ كوريل، يحملون من العداء للإسلام والمسلمين أكثر مما يحملونه لليهود والصهاينة، و أن هؤلاء سيدفعون للتقارب مع إسرائيل، وللتطبيع ولتصفية الصراع المحتدم بين سارق لا يزال يسرق ومسروق لا يزال يُسرق.
يعتبر كوريل أن حق إسرائيل في الدفاع عن نفسها حق مقدس بينما يصف حق العرب في الدفاع عن فلسطين بالتعصب الشوفيني ( القومي) . وهو يطالب بالسلام مع إسرائيل، والسلام لا يعني وقف الحرب، بل يعني الصداقة والمحبة.
وأنبهكم يا قراء.. دعكم من الموقف المعلن للشيوعيين المصريين، فموقف كوريل هو موقفهم الحقيقي، وعلى من يريد دليلا أن يعود إلى كتاب محمد سيد أحمد: بعد أن تصمت المدافع.
إن كوريل يسمي عدوان 56 بالعمليات العسكرية كي يتجنب كلمة العدوان أو الحرب بينما يصف المقاومة العربية والمصرية ضد إنشاء إسرائيل عام 1948 بالحرب القذرة، والحرب الإجرامية والعدوان الظالم، كما يصف الوجود المصري في قطاع غزة عام 48 بأنه وجود استعماري إرهابي. كما أن الإسلام عنده يمثل الفاشية والرجعية بينما تمثل القومية التعصب.
أبناء كوريل مثل أستاذهم يرون أن سوء موقف إسرائيل معنا سببه سوء مواقفنا نحن، فنحن المسئولون، نحن الذين نخيف اليهود الطيبين بقسوتنا وبتهديدنا لهم وبتشجيع الفاشية: (الإسلام) والتعصب : (القومية).
ويلاحظ المستشار طارق البشري أن كوريل و أتباعه قد صوبوا على الإسلام والقومية، وعاء الانتماء والتماسك، و أنهم اتبعوا منهج : " ما لا تستطيع أن تصوب عليه مباشرة فاضرب طلقاتك إلى جواره، واجعلها قوية متتابعة بحيث تؤدى إلى الانكماش التدريجي أو الضمور الجزئي المتوالي للجسم كله، أو علق على هذا الكيان تهمة حتى يشعر كل منتم إليه بأنه مع جهره بانتمائه عليه يتعين أن ينفى شبها لصيقة أو قريبة من هذا الانتماء، فيؤول الانتماء بالتدريج من الجهر إلى الخفوت ومن اليقين إلى الظن ومن الاطمئنان إلى التردد".
أليس هذا بحذافيره هو ما يفعله العلمانيون مع المسلمين.
يؤكد المستشار طارق البشري أن بعض قدامى الشيوعيين المصريين أقروا أن المسئولين في الحزب الشيوعي المصري كانوا ينفذون أغراضا صهيونية ويضيف: " بدا لي أن هذا الوجود اليهودي الأجنبي في الحركة الشيوعية المصرية، لم يكن بعيدا عن التحرك الصهيوني في منطقة المشرق العربي المتاخمة لفلسطين، وبخاصة في الأربعينيات، وهو التحرك الذي أسفر عن إنشاء دولة إسرائيل في 1948 كما أن هذا الوجود كان يوجه نشاط الحركة الشيوعية في مصر وجهة المجابهة ضد تيار الحركة السياسية القومية المتشددة وذلك بوصف أن هذين التيارين تياران نازيان أو فاشيان مما يعتبران اكثر خطرا على البلاد حتى من الحكومات المصرية الموالية للاحتلال البريطاني".." بدءوا يشجعون عددا من أفراس الرهان، منها الحركة الشيوعية، وحسبهم منها أن تكون ركيزة لمقاومة التيارين الإسلامي والقومي، وهما تياران شعبيان، و أن تكون بوتقة لتذويب الشعور الوطني بالتميز والاختلاف عن الأجنبي".
كان ألد أعداء الشيوعيين الصهاينة بزعامة كوريل : الأخوان المسلمين ومصر الفتاة. أما أصدقاؤه فقد كان الماسون على رأسهم بل إنه كان يعقد اجتماعات حزبه الأولى في أحد محافلهم. لكنه فكر في اعتناق الإسلام كي يكون أكثر تأثيرا ثم تراجع لاعتزازه بنفسه.
وكان ينصح أتباعه بالتقية، ذلك أن من يخفي هويته لا يخدع الجماهير أما من يجهر بها فهو يخدعهم!! ولذلك فهو يدين من يسمي حزبه بالشيوعي، لأن كلمة شيوعي تعني في أذهان الناس معاني بغيضة وشاذة.
يتساءل المستشار البشري في دهشة: هذا الموقف ( مقاومة الحركات الإسلامية والقومية باعتبارها حركات فاشية) هو أمر طبيعي بالنسبة لهنري كوريل، ولكن الغريب أن يوجد بيننا نحن المصريين من ينظر إلى الأمور بنظرة هؤلاء، ثم يلمس البشري برقة وضعا في منتهى الخطورة، لقد أنشأ اليهود الصهاينة الأحزاب الشيوعية المصرية وعلى رأسها " حدتو" ، ثم تمكنوا من السيطرة على المصريين الذين انضموا إلى ذلك الحزب – الصهيوني الشيوعي- و أن يكونوا زعماءه، لكن الأغرب بلا حدود، هو أن هؤلاء الزعماء اليهود الصهاينة قد استمروا على زعامتهم وسيطرتهم على هذا الحزب حتى بعد أن تم تهجيرهم من مصر.
الأمر ليس أمر أحزاب بل جواسيس.
ولقد ذكر سعد زهران سنة 1985 في كتابه " في أصول الساسة المصرية" أن بريطانيا منذ عام 1936 كانت تشجع اليهود الماركسيين لتكوين تنظيمات ضد الفاشية.
هؤلاء هم الذين سيطروا على الأحزاب الشيوعية بوسائل متعددة منها الخبرة والضغوط المادية والإغراءات. ولقد رحبت هذه الأحزاب بإنشاء إسرائيل، وينبه سعد زهران أن اليهود كعادتهم في عدم الرهان على فرس واحد كانوا يضعون قدما في المعسكر الإمبريالي والآخر في معسكر اليسار العالمي.
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Re: re (Re: Waeil Elsayid Awad)
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الأخ Waeil Elsayid
تحية طيبة:
تتباين بالطبع مواقف الناس من هنري كورييل بحسب مواقفهم السياسية..فيما يخص إسرائل سيأتي في الجزء القادم من ملخص الكتاب"هنري..رجل فريد" موقفه من الصراع العربي - الإسرائيلي و هو يمكن تلخيصه من كلامه كما يلي:
| Quote: نحن نعترف بحق يهود إسرائيل في الوجود الوطني لكن هذا الحق يجب بالأحرى منحه لعرب فلسطين،و لتحقيق ذلك لابد من قيام دولتين تضمن لكل جماعة الحق في الوجود الوطني." |
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Re: re (Re: Abdel Aati)
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الأخ Abdel Aati
تحية طيبة
| Quote: هنري كوريل هو المؤسس الحقيقي للحزب الشيوعي السوداني |
حسب الكتاب الذي نقوم بأستعراضه هنا فهنري كورييل له دور أساسي في تكوين الحزب الشيوعي المصري و الحزب الشيوعي السوداني
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Re: re (Re: سيف النصر محي الدين محمد أحمد)
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في فبراير 1946 خرج الطلبة في مظاهرات من جامعة القاهرة تطالب بالجلاء و قام البوليس بإطلاق النار و فتح كبري عباس فسقط العشرات و غرق عشرين واحدا.وفي اليوم التالي تكونت اللجنة الوطنية للطلبة و العمال التي كان الشيوعيين في قلبها و سكرتيرها شيوعي هو حسن كاظم ..تصاعدت المظاهرات و في 21 فبراير و أصدرت النقابات قرارا بالإضراب العام و أصيبت مصر كلها بالشلل و بعد أسبوعين أعلن الإنجليز أنهم سيجلون من وادي النيل و يبقون في منطقة قناة السويس. وفي يوليو أقي القبض على أكثر من مائة شيوعي بينهم كورييل .ثم أفرج عنهم و أعيد القبض على كورييل و سيد سليمان رفاعي بعد خمسة أشهر.
في 1947 تمت الوحدة بين الحركة المصرية و واحدة من أهم المنظمات الشيوعية وهي اسكرا فولدت الحركة الديمقراطية للتحرر الوطني"حدتو" و كان ذلك أعلانا بانتصار كورييل و خطه السياسي و بانطلاقة جماهيرية واسعة .و شكل كورييل مجموعة من الضباط في الجيش تضم عثمان فوزي و خالد محي الدين و أنضم إليهم من اسكرا أحمد حمروش.و يقول بيرو أن السودان كان مجلا أثيرا لكورييل و أنه كعادته كان يقول بدون عقد أن اهتمامه بالسودانيين يرجع للشعور الفياض الذي كان يحمله أثناء صباه لأحد خدم والده و الذي كان من النوبة السودانية و كان أبنه أحد أقران هنري في اللعب. و هكذا أسس الحركة السودانية للتحرر الوطني"حستو"و التي أصبحت فيما بعد الحزب الشيوعي السوداني.دامت هذه الوحدة أقل من عام في ظل طموح المصريين للقيادة و التنافس بين الآباء الثلاثة "كورييل و إسرائيل و شفارتز".
عندما اندلعت الحرب بين العرب و اليهود في مايو 1948 عارضتها حدتو و التي كانت قد أعلنت معاداتها للصهيونية و أيضا لمعادة السامية في نفس الوقت و دعت إلى إنشاء دولة في فلسطين تضم اليهود و العرب ثم انحازت أخيرا لمشروع التقسيم الذي قدمه الإتحاد السوفييتي و تبنته الأمم المتحدة.
بعد الحرب أعتقل اليهود الشيوعيين و رفض هنري الخروج من المعتقل بناء على شروط الهدنة رافضا الحصول على حريته تنفيذا لأمر تفرضه تل أبيب فبقي اليهود الشيوعيين في المعتقل لمدة عامين .ثم عرضت الحكومة المصرية عليهم الإفراج شريطة أن يغادروا مصر نهائيا فغادروا الواحد تلو الأخر بعضهم ذهب لإسرائيل ليواصل النضال مع الحزب الشيوعي الإسرائيلي و الأغلبية فضلت الذهاب لفرنسا..تبقى فقط ثلاثة أشخاص من بينهم كورييل خرجوا عام 1950 عندما نجح الوفد في الانتخابات .خرج كورييل ووضع خطة لتوحيد حدتو المنقسمة و بعثها من خلال مشروع تقدمي واسع النطاق . قبض عليه مرة أخرى و وضع بالقوة على ظهر باخرة إيطالية باعتباره أجنبيا خطرا على الأمن كان في السابعة و الثلاثين من عمره و بعدها لم ير مصر على الإطلاق.
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Re: re (Re: سيف النصر محي الدين محمد أحمد)
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سلام أخي سيف النصر
| Quote: حسب الكتاب الذي نقوم بأستعراضه هنا فهنري كورييل له دور أساسي في تكوين الحزب الشيوعي المصري و الحزب الشيوعي السوداني |
هذا الكتاب الذي احتفي به اليسار المصري والسوداني؛ كونه لم يعرض متناقضات ومسالب هنري كورييل؛ وبجله جدا يقول في صفحة 276 عن الرجل : | Quote: كان مناضلا تاريخيا في الحركة الشيوعية المصرية ؛ ومؤسسا للحزب الشيوعي السوداني؛ وقد اقصاه رفاقه المصريون لكونه اجنبياُ |
ربما أكتب عن هنري كورييل والحزب الشيوعي السوداني يوما
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Re: re (Re: سيف النصر محي الدين محمد أحمد)
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Egyptian Communists in Exile (Rome Group) Archives
Period 1945-1979 (-2000)
(1)
History
Founded in 1922, the communist movement in Egypt revived after the Second World War; communists of the al-Haraka al-Misriyya li-l-Taharrur al-Watani (EMNL; Egyptian Movement for National Liberation) led by Henri Curiel merged with the Iskra Group and the New Dawn Group into the al-Haraka al-Dimuqratiyya li-l-Taharrur al-Watani (Haditu or DMNL, Democratic Movement for National Liberation) in 1947; in 1948 many of its leaders, most of them Jewish, were arrested and exiled; in Paris a number of them constituted in 1951 the `Rome Group', actually a branch of the DMNL, which kept in touch with Egypt; communists in Egypt had a part in bringing down the Egyptian monarchy in 1952 and for a short period the DMNL supported the military regime of the Free Officers led by Gamal Abdel Nasser; in 1953, after the suppression of the Kafr al-Dawwar strike, communists turned against the new rulers; being persecuted again they went underground, working in the Front National Démocratique (FND) and cooperating with the Groupe de Partisans de la Paix Égyptiens led by Yusuf Hilmi; contacts with the group in Paris were maintained; after the Bandung Conference of 1955 the suppression diminished; communists supported Nasser during the Suez crisis in 1956; mergers of different Egyptian communist organizations, including the DMNL and the Communist Party of Egypt (CPE), led to the founding of the United Egyptian Communist Party (UECP) in 1957 but also to the dissolution of the `Rome Group' in spite of objections of its members; after a new period of suppression at the end of the 1950s, the communist movement was dissolved in 1965 and merged into the Arab Socialist Union (ASU). Curiel, Henri: born in Caïro 1914, died in France 1978; pseudonym Younès; militant communist; educated at French schools in Caïro; one of the founders of the EMNL and in 1947 of the DMNL; exiled from Egypt in 1950; from 1951 Curiel was the pivot of the `Rome Group' in Paris; after its formal dissolution in 1957 the `Rome Group' changed its name into Groupe des Démocrats Égyptiens d'Origine Juive, which focused its attention more and more on the support of the Algerian struggle for liberation; after a prison term in Fresnes Curiel was one of the founders of Solidarité, a support group for movements of liberation in the Third World; in 1978 he was assassinated.
Content
Minutes of meetings and reports of general meetings 1952-1959 of the `Rome Group'; annual reports 1952-1960; correspondence, for the most part between members of the group in Paris and communists in Egypt, a number of them being imprisoned, including Ibrahim Abdal Halim 1951-1956, Kamal Abdal Halim 1951-1959, Albert Arié 1954-1960, n.d., Joyce Blau 1953-1971, 1984, Sarah Blau 1957-1959, Noémie Canel 1953-1960, Henri Curiel 1950-1972, Didar Fawzy 1953-1959, 1984, Robert Grunspan 1958-1960, Muhammad al-Guindi 1952-1960 (-1969), Joseph Hazan (1949-) 1956-1962, 1984, Sherif Hetata 1951-1959, 1964, Yusuf Hilmi 1954-1957, Mourad Khallaf 1954-1958, Sarwat Okasha 1958-1959, Marie Papadopoulos 1957-1958, Farouk Sabet 1955-1956, n.d., Ahmed Taha (1951-) 1955-1956 and others; documents of the Commission de Solidarité; documents relating to the Front National Démocratique (FND) 1953-1956 and to the Groupe de Partisans de la Paix Egyptiens, including typescripts and texts of speeches by Yusuf Hilmi 1951-1957; reports and other documents on the Egyptian communist movement, on the conflict between Henri Curiel and the Parti Communiste Français (PCF) 1952-1956, on the relations with the Communist Party of Israel 1952-1960, on the founding of the UECP in 1957, on the dissolution of the party in 1965 and the resurrection of the Communist Party of Egypt in 1975, 1945-1978; documents on trials against communists, on the situation of political prisoners in Egypt and on solidarity campaigns abroad 1949-1960; documents on the position of women and children in Egypt 1946-1957, on the Egyptian trade union movement 1949-1960 and n.d. and on the Bandung Conference 1955; copies of bulletins, leaflets and clippings 1948, 1951-1960 (-1978). Papers of Henri Curiel: correspondence 1952-1964; manuscripts and typescripts of reports and articles by Curiel on the political situation in Egypt 1949-1977 and of his `Pages Autobiographiques. Une contribution à l'histoire de la naissance du Parti Communiste Égyptien de 1940 à 1950' written in 1978; files on the trial against Henri Curiel and other communists in Caïro 1947 and on the `Affaire Badr' 1953; typescripts by Yusuf Hilmi 1955 and some other documents 1956, 1971-1974. Papers of Didar Fawzy: correspondence 1954-1959; documents concerning the DMNL and the Egyptian communist movement 1950-1965 (-1972); documents concerning the Rome group 1958-1977. NB. Partly in Arabic, for the most part in French; correspondence with Roger and Elisabeth Vailland 1951 and n.d.; documents concerning the interview given by Curiel to Marie-Dominique Gresh 1976; documents on the accusations of terrorism against Curiel in the weekly magazine Le Point and the law suit against Georges Suffert, reporter of Le Point, 1976-1991; manuscript of an interview with Rosette Curiel 1978; testimonies on the life, murder and historical importance of Curiel by Sam Bardell, Isam Sartawi and others 1978-1998; documents on the commemorative meetings and conferences in 1988 and 1998, on themes as international solidarity and liberation struggles in the Third World 1987-1998; press articles on the house arrest of Curiel in Digne, Alpes-de-Haute-Provence, 1977, his assassination 1978, the investigations into the murder and the commemorative events 1978-1998.
Processing information
Inventory made by Marianne Wigboldus and Jaap Haag in 1997
Secondary creator
Curiel, Henri.Fawzy-Rossano, Didar.Blau, Joyce
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Re: re (Re: Waeil Elsayid Awad)
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Why Jews Fled the Arab Countries
by Ya'akov Meron
Middle East Quarterly
September 1995
Ya'akov Meron holds a doctorate in law from the Faculté de Droit de Paris and is an authority on Islamic law and the law of Arab countries. He was a member of the Israeli delegation to negotiate the peace treaty with Egypt and to solve the Taba issue.
COORDINATING A PROGRAM OF EXPULSION
In a key address before the Political Committee of the U.N. General Assembly on November 14, 1947, just five days before that body voted on the partition plan for Palestine, Heykal Pasha, an Egyptian delegate, made the following key statement in connection with that plan:
The United Nations . . . should not lose sight of the fact that the proposed solution might endanger a million Jews living in the Moslem countries. Partition of Palestine might create in those countries an anti-Semitism even more difficult to root out than the anti-Semitism which the Allies were trying to eradicate in Germany. . . If the United Nations decides to partition Palestine, it might be responsible for the massacre of a large number of Jews.
Heykal Pasha then elaborated on his threat:
A million Jews live in peace in Egypt [and other Muslim countries] and enjoy all rights of citizenship. They have no desire to emigrate to Palestine. However, if a Jewish State were established, nobody could prevent disorders. Riots would break out in Palestine, would spread through all the Arab states and might lead to a war between two races.1
Heykal Pasha's thinly veiled threats of "grave disorders," "massacre," "riots," and "war between two races" did not at the time go unnoticed by Jews;2 for them, it had the same ring as the proposition made six years earlier by the Palestinian leader Hajj Amin al-Husayni to Hitler of a "final solution" for the Jews of Arab countries, including Palestine. But the statement appears to have made no lasting impression, to the point that a historian of the Jews in Egypt has described Heykal Pasha as "a well-known liberal."3
Particularly noteworthy is that although Heykal Pasha spoke at the United Nations in his capacity as a representative of Egypt, he continuously mentioned the Jews "in other Muslim countries" and "all the Arab states," suggesting a level of coordination among the Arab governments. Indeed, four days after his statement, Iraq's Foreign Minister Fadil Jamali declared at the United Nations that "interreligious prejudice and hatred" would bring about a great deterioration in the Arab-Jewish relationship in Iraq and in the Arab world at large,4 thereby reinforcing the impression that Heykal Pasha was talking not just on behalf of Egypt but for all the independent Arab states. Further confirmation came several days later, after the General Assembly had decided in favor of partitioning Palestine, when, "following orders issued by the Arab League,"5 Muslims engaged in outrages against Jews living in Aden and Aleppo.6
Another indication that Arab rulers coordinated the expulsion of Jews from their terrorites comes from a Beirut meeting one and a half years later of senior diplomats from all the Arab States. By this time, March 1949, the Arab states had already lost the first Arab-Israeli war; they now used this defeat to justify an expulsion that had been officially proclaimed before the war even began. As reported in a Syrian newspaper, "If Israel should oppose the return of the Arab refugees to their homes, the Arab governments will expel the Jews living in their countries."7
According to Walid Khalidi, perhaps the leading Palestinian nationalist historian and a highly reputable source, "The Arabs held their ground throughout the period from November 1947 to March 1948. Up to March 1, not one single Arab village had been vacated by its inhabitants, and the number of people leaving the mixed towns was insignificant."8 The mass departure from Palestine of 590,000 Arabs began only in April 1948; yet , Heykal Pasha had publicly and very formally announced a program to expel Jews from Arab countries fully five months earlier.
To understand how and when the expulsion of Jews from the Arab countries was actually carried out, we look at the Iraqi case in some detail, then others more breifly.
IRAQ
As mentioned above, the Iraqi authorities openly and formally identified themselves with Heykal Pasha's threats just four days after he uttered them. Foreign Minister Jamali addressed the United Nations in this manner:
The masses in the Arab world cannot be restrained. The Arab-Jewish relationship in the Arab world will greatly deteriorate. . . . Harmony prevails among Muslems, Christians and Jews [in Iraq]. But any injustice imposed upon the Arabs of Palestine will disturb the harmony among Jews and non-Jews in Iraq; it will breed interreligious prejudice and hatred.9
By "the masses in the Arab world," Jamali in fact meant his own government, which soon took a series of steps, including anti-Semitic legislation, against its Jewish population. This began with a 1948 amendment to the Penal Code of Baghdad, adding Zionism to other ideologies and behavior (communism, anarchism, and immorality) whose propagation constituted a punishable offense. Laws in 1950 and 1951 the deprived Jews of their Iraqi nationality and their property in Iraq, respectively.10
At times, Iraqi politicians candidly acknowledged that they wanted to expel their Jewish population for reasons of their own, having nothing to do with retaliation for the Palestinian exodus. Perhaps the most interesting incident took place at the tail end of the Israeli war of independence, in late January or early February 1949, when Iraq's Prime Minister Nuri Sa'id described a plan to expel Jews from Iraq to Alec Kirkbride, then the British ambassador at Amman, and Samir El-Rifa'i, head of the Jordanian government. Kirkbride recounts that Nuri
Came out with the astounding proposition that a convoy of Iraqi Jews should be brought over in army lorries escorted by armoured cars, taken to the Jordanian-Israeli frontier, and forced to cross the line. Quite apart from the certainty that the Israelis would not consent to receive deportees in that manner, the passage of Jews through Jordan would almost certainly have touched off serious trouble amongst the very disgruntled Arab refugees who were crowded into the country. Either the Iraqi guards would have had to shoot other Arabs to protect the lives of their charges. . .
Samir and I were flabbergasted and our faces must have shown our feelings. . . .
I replied, at once, that the matter at issue was no concern of His Majesty's Government. Samir refused his assent as politely as possible but Nuri lost his temper at being rebuffed and he said: "So, you do not want to do it, do you?" Samir snapped back: "Of course I do not want to be party to such a crime." Nuri thereupon exploded with rage and I began to wonder what the head of the diplomatic mission would do if two Prime Ministers came to blows in his study. We then broke up in disorder, but I got them out of the house whilst preserving a minimum of propriety.11
Nuri probably chose the British embassy in Amman as the site at which to disclose his plan to the head of the Jordanian government because high-ranking British officials had often spoken of the need to exchange Palestinian Arab and Arab Jewish populations,12 and he most likely expected British understanding of, it not support for, his scheme.
Similarly, when Nuri visited Jerusalem on January 13, 1951, he met 'Arif al-'Arif, the Palestinian leader who served as Jordan's district commissioner for Jerusalem. 'Arif asked Nuri to hold up the departure of Jews from Iraq "until the problem of Palestine and of the refugees had been solved," or at least "for one or two years." Nuri refused to do so. Revealingly, his reasons bore only on considerations of internal Iraqi policy:
The Jews have always been a source of evil and harm to Iraq. They are spies. They have sold their property in Iraq, they have no land among us that they can cultivate. How therefore can they live? What will they do if they stay in Iraq? No, no my friend, it is better for us to be rid of them as long as we are able to do so.13
Nuri candidly acknowledges here that he wanted the Jews out of Iraq, and never mind what consequences their exodus might have for the future of the Palestinian Arabs.
In conversation with foreign diplomats, however, Nuri presented the expulsion of Iraq's Jews in a very different light-as an exchange of population. On no less than six occasions in 1949, he made this point with foreigners.
(1) In talks with the U.N. Reconciliation Commission in Baghdad on February 18, 1949 (in other words, even before the Beirut meeting of Arab diplomats in March 1949, when the Arab states coordinated their stand on the matter), he threatened harm to the Jews: "Iraq has thus far been able to protect its 160,000 Jews but . . . unless conditions improve and unless Jews now demonstrated their good faith with deeds not words Iraq might be helpless to prevent spontaneous action by its people."14
(2) To an American diplomat in Baghdad on May 8, 1949, Nuri mentioned his idea of a "voluntary exchange on pro rata basis of Iraqi Jews for Pal[estinian] Arabs," adding the threat that "firebrand Iraqis might take matters into [their] own hands and cause untold misery to thousands [of] innocent persons."15
(3) On August 8, 1949, he raised with an official of the British Foreign Office the idea of "an exchange of population."16
(4) On September 29, 1949, a member of the British embassy in Baghdad reported Nuri's wish "to force an exchange of population under U.N. supervision and the transfer of 100,000 Jews beyond Iraq in exchange for the Arab refugees who had already left the territory in Israeli hands."17
(5) On October 14, 1949, Nuri spoke with U.N. officials about the exchange of "100,000 Baghdad Jews and 80,000 other Jews in Iraq for [an] equivalent number [of] urban Arab Palestinian refugees."18
(6) To the Clapp Mission in 1949,19 Nuri presented the Jewish expulsion from Iraq as part of a population exchange.20
This (and other evidence) leads to the conclusion that while the Iraqi government sought to present the explusion of Jews as a crowd-driven retaliatory act for the exodus of the Arab refugees from Palestine, it in fact had a full-fledged plan in place before the Arab refugee problem even came into existence.
This interpretation resolves a number of historical questions. It explains the origins of the otherwise mysterious legislation in 1950 depriving Jews of their Iraqi nationality. For example, Shlomo Hillel cannot understand how this complete reversal of the Iraqi attitudes happened, and suggests that Nuri Sa'id did not really intend immediately to apply the law.21 This author respectfully disagrees: take into account the U.N. declarations, the anti-Jewish legislation, and the government persecution of Jews, and it becomes clear that the deprivation of Iraqi nationality was but another step in a plan of expulsion.
The Iraqi plan of expulsion also explains the bombing of the Mas'uda Shem Tob Synagogue in Baghdad on January 14, 1951, as Jews were registering there to emigrate to Israel. Zionists have been accused of causing the violence in the hopes of spurring the Jews to leave Iraq, an accusation whose truth so eminent an authority as Elie Kedourie has said "must remain an open question."22 But knowing of the authorities' expulsion plan suggests that not Zionists but Muslim Iraqis were behind the incident . That an Iraqi army officer arrested for throwing the bomb belonged to the opposition Istiqlal Party points to that faction's responsibility.23
OTHER ARAB COUNTRIES
Similar patterns of Jewish exodus existed in other Arabic-speaking countries, including Yemen, Libya, Syria, Egypt, Algeria and Jordan.
Yemen. Yemeni persecution of Jews prompted a trickle of Jewish emigration to Palestine from the third quarter of the nineteenth century on. Heykal Pasha's speech merely added momentum to the longstanding Yemeni policy of discrimination against and degradation of Jews, based on a particularly pedantic interpretation of the Islamic law. A bribe from the American Joint Distribution Committee to Yemen's ruler, Imam Ahmad ibn Yahya, led to his agreeing to the mass exodus of Jews to Israel in 1949-50 by airplane via Aden, an operation known as "On Eagle's Wings" (or, in journalistic lore, "Magic Carpet"). The Jews of Yemen, relying on their own means, sufferng losses of life and deprivations, traversed the desert to Aden by foot and on donkeys. There, the Jewish Agency lodged them in camps and eventually boarded them onto planes that took them to Israel. In this way, some 50,000 Yemeni Jews reached Israel during the two-year period.
We lack information about the Yemeni government's decision-making process. But this case provides the clearest example of Jews' being persecuted and expelled for reasons having to do with Islamic law.
Libya. In Libya, as in Yemen, the exodus of the Jews began even before Heykal Pahsa's declaration at the United Nations. Attacks on Jewish quarters in Tripoli and other cities occurred in 1945, leading to a death toll the British put at 130 Jews.24 In other words, Jews began leaving Libya three years before the establishment of Israel and seven years before Libya gained independence. Their departure turned into a mass exodus as soon as Israel gained independence and the gates opened to Libyan Jewry. As in Iraq, internal policy appears to be the reason both for the Jews' expulsion and for later rhetoric inviting them back.
Syria. In Syria, too, the majority of Jews departed before independence in 1946, and long before Heykal Pasha's statement and the establishment of Israel. As in Yemen and Libya, crude pressure on the Jews of Syria-such as the 1947 pogrom in Aleppo and the rape and murder of four Jewish girls who allegedly tried to smuggle themselves out of Syria-caused a substantial emigration.
While Syria is distinguished from other Arab countries by the fact that its legislation does not manifest discrimination against Jews, Heykal Pasha's policy was indeed applied there, too. The government seized control of Jewish property in Syria on the basis of emergency legislation and gave it to Arab refugees. Thus, Palestinians were settled in Damascus's Jewish ghetto, while the Alliance Israélite Universelle School, finished 1n 1939, became a school for Palestinian children. A diplomat at the French embassy in Damascus intervened with the Syrian authorities about this school and was told that the Syrian Jews had to provide room for the Arab refugees, the latter having been expelled by their Palestinian co-religionsits.25
Egypt. In some cases, the execution of the Arab plan of expulsion extended over a period much longer than that of the military hostilities. In Egypt, the expulsion reached its climax only after the overthrow of the monarchy by disgruntled army officers back from the Palestinian battlefield. In Algeria, which did not attain independence until 1962, the expulsion took place later yet.
Jews in Egypt faced acute problems in the 1940s but these did not set their mass departure in motion. Rioting against Jews occurred in November1945, then resumed in June-November 1948,26 the latter time inspired by the war with Israel. An amendment to the Egyptian Companies Law dated July 29, 1947, required that 40 percent of a company's directors and 75 percent of its employees be Egyptian nationals, causing the dismissal and livelihood of many Jews, 85 percent of whom did not possess Egyptian nationality.27 A letter to the editor of Akhir Sa'a in 1948 offers some insight into the predicament of Egyptian Jews:
It would seem that most people in Egypt are unaware of the fact that among Egyptian Muslisms there are some who have white skin. Every time I board a tram I hear people pointing at me with a finger and saying "Jew," "Jew." I have been beaten more than once because of this. For that reason I humbly beg that my picture (enclosed) be published with the explanation that I am not Jewish and that my name is Adham Mustafa Galeb.28
This testimony rather directly refutes the fine rhetoric of Heykal Pasha about Jews' enjoying "all rights of citizenship."
Cairo was slow in carrying out the plan proclaimed by its own diplomat, Heykal Pasha; only during and after the Suez Crisis of 1956 did Egyptian Jews leave in substantial numbers. At that time, the Egyptian Nationality Law was amended to prohibit "Zionists" from holding Egyptian nationality,29 Army Order no. 4 then confiscated property of individuals and associations;30 and supervision, imprisonment, or expulsion followed. The amendment to the Nationality Law of 1956 defined the term Zionism as "not a religion but the spiritual and material bond between those defined as Zionists and Israel."31 A furthur ministerial decree in 1958 indicates that all Jews between the ages of ten and sixty-five leaving Egypt would be added to the list of persons prohibited from reentering the country.32 Clearly, these decrees had little to do with the Arab refugees of a decade earlier.
Algeria. In Algeria, no significant Jewish emigration occurred until the summer of 1961, and then nearly the entire population was gone within the year.33 Algeria's independence from France was the key event here; Jews were no longer welcome after the French depature. The Algerian Nationality Code of 1963 made this clear by granting Algerian nationality as a right only to those inhabitants whose fathers and paternal grandfathers had Muslim personal status in Algeria.34 In other words, although the National Liberation Front in Algeria was known for its slogan "A Democratic Secular State," it adhered to strictly religious criteria in granting nationality.
Jordan. No Jews lived in Transjordan in 1946 (when it became an independent state), as a result of Winston Churchill's 1921 decision in favor of "preserving [the] Arab character" of Transjordan35 and the resulting British policy forbidding Jews from settling there. Legislation passed in 1954 declared that only non-Jews coming from the former British Mandate of Palestine were entitled to Jordanian citizenship.36 What is so striking about Jordan is that although it lacked a Jewish population, it still shared in the general Arab trend of excluding Jews. Further, it actively discriminated against Lebanese and Syrian Jews.37
SILENCE, DENUNCIATION, AND ACCEPTANCE
A strange silence prevails over the expulsion of the Jews from Arab countries. Out of fifteen books (mainly autobiographies) written by Iraqi politicians and other public figures, only two make any reference to the farhud,38 the Iraqi pogrom of 1941 that first shook feelings among the Jews for the land of their very ancient residence and was the first step in their leaving the country. In his memoirs, Tawfiq as-Suwaydi, head of the Iraqi government and the man with whom the agreement to transport Jews from Baghdad to Israel by air was reached, "does not recall, if only by way of a mere hint, the actual departure of the Jewish communities from his country."39
On the Israeli side, the establishment did little to break the silence about the dire circumstances of the Jewish exodus from Arab countries.40 Quite the contrary, the romantic "magic carpet" image for the migration from Yemen and the "Ezra and Nehemiah Operation" name attached to the Iraqi migration stress the positive, glossing over the unhappy circumstances of the Arab expulsions. Jean-Peirre Péroncel-Hugoz, a Frence orientalist and journalist at Le Monde, notes with surprise "that Israel only very rarely emphasizes the fact that a part if its population left property and space it legitimately owned in the Arab countries of its origin."41
Palestinians are the only Arabs vocally to denounce the expulsion of Jews from Arab countries. This began in January 1951 with a telegram from 'Aarif to the Arab Legue after he failed in his efforts to persuade Nuri to stop the exit of Jews from Iraq. "Were every area of Arab land where Jews reside to retain the Jews and their property as a pledge, two problems would easily be solved, that of Palestine generally and that of the refugees in particular."42 Along these lines, the Palestinian National Covenant calls for sending the Jews back to their lands of origin. Nabil Hga'th, Yasir Arafat's advisor, twenty years ago drew attention to the invitation that the Sudan and Libya sent to "their" Jews to return, and called upon the Arab states to legislate a kind of "Law of Return" for Jews of Arab origins.43
Remarkably, some Palestinians have come to see Jewish sovereignty in Israel in terms of a population exchange, and as the necessary price to be paid for the Arab expulsions. 'Isam as-Sirtawi, who participated in some well-known terrorist operations but later excelled in seeking contact with the Israelis, told Ha-'Olam Ha-zé editor Uri Avneir that he gave up terrorism against Israel and instead began promoting negotiations when he realized that Israel serves as the asylum for Jews expelled from Arab countries; and that there is no going back along that path.44 Sabri Jiryis, director of the Institute of Palestine Studies in Beirut, enumerated in 1975 the factors leading to the establishment of the State of Israel. The Arab states had much to do with this, for they expelled the Jews "in a most ugly fashion, and after confiscating their possessions or taking control thereof at the lowest price." These Jews then
Participated in the reinforcement of Israel, its strengthening and fortification to the degree we see it as present. . . . There is no need to say that the problem of those Jews and their passage to Israel is not merely theoretical, at least from the viewpoint of the Palestinian problem. Clearly, Israel will raise the question in all serious negotiation that may in time be conducted over the rights of the Palestinians. . . . Israel's arguments take approximately the following form: "It is true that we Israelis brought about the exodus of the Arabs from their land in the war of 1948 . . . and that we took control of their property. In return however you Arabs caused the expulsion of a like number of Jews from Arab countries since 1948 until today. Most of these went to Israel after you seized control of their property in one way or another. What happened, therefore, is merely a kind of 'population and property transfer,' the consequences of which both sides have to bear. Thus Israel gathers in the Jews from Arab countries and the Arab countries are obliged in turn to settle the Palestinians within their own borders and work towards a solution of the problem". Israel will undoubtedly advance these claims in the first real debate over the Palestinian problem.45
In brief, 'Arif, Sirtawi, and Jiryis recognize that the expulsion of a million Jews from the Arab countries renders the return of Arab refugees infeasible. This realization is compounded by the fact that almost half a century has elapsed since the beginning of the refugee problem, both Arab and Jewish, within the Arab-Israeli conflict. Those individuals to be involved in any future rehabilitation program will mostly be heirs, and even grandchildren, of the original refugees.
CONCLUSION
Accounts of the late 1940s widely assume that the Arab exodus occurred first, followed by the Jewish expulsion. Kirkbride refers to "a decision of the Iraqi government to retaliate for the expulsion of Arab refugees from Palestine by forcing the majority of the Jewish population of Iraq to go to Israel."46 In Libya, too, there is a similar tendency to associate the uprooting of the Jewish community with the establishment of the State of Israel. "Jews," John Wright argues, "were forced out of Libya as a result of events leading up and following the foundation of the State of Israel in May 1948."47
But these accounts oversimplify the actual sequence of events: as we have seen, in a good many cases, Jews were forced out well before the Palestinian exodus. As 'Arif, Sirtawi, and Jiryis acknowledge, the Arab states contributed substantially to the Palestinians' present predicament. A recognition of the full wrong done to the Jews of the Arab countries should put to rest Palestinian claims for restitution by Israel. As Péroncel-Hugoz correctly points out, the Jews "left property and space [they] legitimately owned" in the Middle East. In coming to Israel, then these Jews brought with them certain rights.
This information not only straightens out the sequence of events fifty years ago but it refutes exorbitant claims made in the name of Palestinians. A recognition of the true nature of those events represents the best chance for a swift resolution of the Palestinian refugee question today. With so many issues that will have a lasting effect on the future of their populations awaiting the attention of Israeli and Palestinian negotiators, this is one case where the two sides would do well to let history stand and call it even.
1 U.N. General Assembly, Second Session, Official Records, Ad Hoc Committee on the Palestinian Question, Summary Records of Meetings, Lake Success, N.Y., Sept. 25-Nov. 15, 1947, p. 185. The original language of this statement is French, so we have altered the U.N's English translation to bring it into harmony with the equally official French text.
2 For example, Emile Najjar, the last president of the Egyptian Zionist Federation and a future Israeli diplomat, pointed out Heykal Pasha's remarks in a lecture delivered in Paris at the Centre d'Etudes de Politique Etrangére on Dec. 20, 1947.
3 Gurdron Krämer, "Aliyatah u-shki'atah shel Kehilat Kahir," Pe'amim, Spring 1981, pp. 28-30-34.
4 U.N. General Assembly, Second Session, Official Records, Verbatim Record of the Plenary Meeting, vol. II, 110th-128th meetings, Lake Success, N.Y., Sept. 16-Nov. 29, 1947, p. 1391.
5 H.J. Cohen, The Jews of the Middle East, 1860-1972 (Jerusalem: Israel Universities Press, 1973), p. 67.
6 Daniel Pipes, Greater Syria: The History of an Ambition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990) p. 57, records 75 victims of the Aleppo massacre.
7 Al-Kifah, Mar. 28, 1949, quoted Shlomo Hillel, Ruah Kadim (Jerusalem: 'Idanim, 1985) p. 244. This book is available in English as Operation Babylon, trans. Ina Friedman (New York: Doubleday, 1987).
8 Walid Khalidi, "Plan Dalet, Master Plan for the Conquest of Palestine," Middle East Forum, Nov. 1961, p. 27.
9 U.N. General Assembly, Second Session, Official Records, Verbatim Record of the Plenary Meeting, p. 1391.
10 Cohen, Jews of the Middle East, pp. 29-35: Hillel, Ruah Kadim, pp. 135-42.
11 Sir Alec Kirkbride, From the Wings: Amman Memoirs, 1947-1951 (London: Frank Cass, 1976), pp. 115-16.
12 For example, the colonial secretary spoke of this to the Mandates Commission of the League of Nations in 1937. League of Nations, Minutes of the 32d (Extraordinary Sessions of the permanent Mandates Commission, Geneva, July 30-Aug. 18, 1932, p. 21; Hugh dalton, Memoirs: The Fatal Years, 1931-1945 (London: Frederick Muller, Ltd., 1957) pp. 426-427.
13 'Arif al-'Arif, An-Nakba, 1947-1955, vol. 4 (Sidon and Beirut: Al-Maktaba al-'Asriya, 1960) p. 893.
14 Telegram from the American embassy in Damascus to Washington, D.C., Feb. 21, 1949. I am grateful to Ron Zweig for making this and other U.S. government telegrams available to me.
15 Telegram from the American embassy in Baghdad to Washington, D.C., May 9, 1949.
16 Moshe Gat, A Jewish Community in Crisis: The Exodus from Iraq, 1948-1951 (Jerusalem: The Zalman Shazar Center for Jewish History, 1989), p. 40.
17 Hillel, Ruah Kadim, p. 245.
18 Telegram from the American embassy in Baghdad to Washington, D.C., Oct. 15, 1949.
19 Formally, the Economic Survey Mission, a U.N. effort headed by the Tennessee Valley Authority chairman, Gordon R. Clapp, which led to the establishment of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency.
20 Information related to the author on Dec. 12, 1990, by Paul Marc Henry, secretary to the Clapp Mission (and later French ambassador to Lebanon).
21 Hillel, Ruah Kadim, p. 224.
22 Elie Kedourie, The Chatham Version and Other Middle Eastern Studies (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1970), p. 449n. 72.
23 Gat, Jewish Community in Crisis, pp. 151-52. An Israeli court has confirmed that Zionists were not behind the explosion: Barukh Nadel, an Israeli journalist, wrote that Israel's emissaries in Iraq were involved in this crime. In 1980, Mordekhaï Ben- Porat, a former member of parliament (and later a government minister) who had played a major role in organizing the mass immigration of Jews from Iraq to Israel, brought a libel suit against Nadel. Ben-Porat produced the results of an inquiry by the Israeli secret services in 1951, which concluded that none of the Israeli emissaries was involved in the crime. The defendant retracted his allegations and the case was closed. See Ma'ariv, Dec. 7, 1981.
24 John Wright, Libya: A Modern History (Baltimore, Md.: The John Hopkins University Press, 1982), p. 75n. 1; "The Jewish Case before the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry on Palestine as presented by the Jewish Agency for Palestine" (Jerusalem: Publishing Department of the Jewish Agency for Palestine, 1947), pp. 392-94.
25 The French diplomat (whose name is no longer known) told this in the early 1950s to Eugene Weill, secretary-general of the Alliance Israélite Universelle; Mr. Weill repeated it to the author in the early 1970s.
26 Cohen, Jews of the Middle East, pp. 49-51.
27 Ibid., p. 88; Shimon Shamir, The Jewis of Egypt (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1987), pp. 33-67.
28 Published originally in Akhir Sa'a, then translated into French as part of a newspaper survey in La Bourse Egyptienne of July 22, 1948; cited in Yehudiya Masriya, Les Jufis en Egypte (Geneva: Editions de l'Avenir, 1971), p. 54.
29 Law no. 391 of 1956, section 1(a). See Al-Waqa 'i' al-Misriya, no. 93 repeated (1), Nov. 30, 1956.
30 Egyptian Official Gazette, no. 88 repeated (1) of Nov. 1, 1957.
31 "Egyptian Nationality," in Revue Egyptienne de Droit International, vol. 12 (1956), pp. 80,87.
32 Egyptian Official Gazette no. 31, Apr. 15, 1958.
33 For a compelling account of how the "very old and well-established " Jewish community of one Algerian town, Ghardaia, "could be blasted loose from its deep and ancient roots almost overnight, and could be shattered so completely," see the compelling account by Lloyd Cabot Briggs and Norina Lami Guéde, No More For Ever; A Saharan Jewish Town (Cambridge, Mass.: Peabody Museum, 1964).
34 See section 34 of the Algerian Nationality Code, Law no. 63-69 of Mar. 27, 1963 p. 306; also cited in Annuaire de l'Afrique du Nord 1973, pp. 806-14.
35 Quoted in Aaron S. Klieman, Foundations of British Policy in the Arab World: The Cairo Conference of 1921 (Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1970), p. 230.
36 Section 3(3) of Jordanian Nationality Law no. 6 of 1954, recorded in Al-Jarida ar-Rasmiya, no. 1171, Feb. 16, 1954, p. 105.
37 Anti-Jewish discrimination appears in order no. 1282 of July 1, 1957 (attributed to the Official Gazette of Jordan, no. 1282 by the Collection of Laws and Regulations [in Arabic], vol. 1 issued by the Jordanian Bar, Amman, 1957, p. 186), which exempts Syrian nationals from showing their passports on entering or leaving Jordan. They may use any other identifying document provided that "they are not Jews." The same discriminatory legislation against Jews from Lebanon appears in Majmu'at al-Qawanin wa'l-Anzima, vol. 1 (Amman: Jordanian Bar, 1966), p. 188
38 Yehuda Tagar "Ha-Farhud bi-Ktavim be-'Aravit me'et Medina'im u-Mehabrim 'Iraqiyim,"Pe'amim, Summer 1981, pp. 38-45.
39 Hillel, Ruah Kadim, p. 285.
40 Mordekhaï Ben-Porat is one exception,: at the end of 1975, he established the World Organization of Jews from Arab Countries. He also spoke up on this topic in the Israeli parliament (see, for example, Divrei ha-Knesset, vol. 72, Jan. 1, 1975, p. 1112).
41 Jean-Pierre Péroncel-Hugoz, Une Croix sur le Liban (Paris: Lieu Commun, 1984), p. 114. The issue of Jewish refugees from Arab countries is likely to grow in importance as many of their number reach the forefront of public life in Israel. In the imd-1980s, for example, the chief of staff of the Israel army, the parliamentary speaker, the minister of justice, the minister of energy, and the minister of health all were of Iraqi origin. The secretary-general of the Histadrut (the labor federation) was born in Yemen. The deputy prime minister and the minister of the interior were born in Morocco. The countries of the Arab League have by now an impressive representation in the government of Israel.
42 'Arif, Al-Nakba, p. 894.
43 Jeune Afrique, July 4, 1975; Ma'ariv, July 3, 1975.
44 Kol Ha'ir, Oct. 30, 1986.
45 An-Nahar, May 15, 1975.
46 Kirkbride, From the Wings, p. 115.
47 Wright, Libya, p. 75n 1.
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Re: من هو هنري كورييل؟؟ (Re: سيف النصر محي الدين محمد أحمد)
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I am still a communist and I am proud of it
"It is a struggle for justice
Youssef Darwish: The courage to go on
Six decades on, and the motive is the same. The fight is against injustice
Early autumn, and the downtown street where Youssef Darwish lives is deceptively quiet. It is almost anonymous given the city's intrusive and, oftentimes, overwhelming chaos. Darwish's apartment is functional, almost austere. The sober choice of furniture, the arrangement of the space, denote a workplace as much as a home.
At 94 Darwish is still handsome, a soft-spoken man with silver hair and intense brown eyes. He welcomes me, offers a drink, puts me at ease. Yet despite this simplicity and genuine warmth it is difficult not to be in awe of a man whose contribution to the workers' movement helped shape and ultimately determine the course of Egyptian labour history.
A labour lawyer and communist organiser, with a remarkable record spanning well over six decades, Darwish's commitment -- in the face of all odds -- remains intact. For, like many of his former comrades, Darwish paid a high price for daring to be a Marxist cadre in Egypt.
In the 1940s, 1950s, 1960s and 1970s he was regularly imprisoned for belonging to a "subversive" organisation that, the authorities claimed, was intent on "sabotaging the state".
"I was arrested so many times that when anybody tapped me on the shoulder I expected a state security agent had come to arrest me," recalls Darwish.
Mass arrests of activists, torture during interrogations, long jail sentences and repression on the outside took their toll over the years, decimating an already divided leadership. Hence their decision to dissolve the party in 1965.
The Communist Party of Egypt eventually resurfaced in 1975, though it hardly rose like a phoenix from the ashes. Long gone were the days when communists could mobilise tens of thousands of workers and students to march for independence from British imperialism and better wages and working conditions.
Yet Darwish remains undaunted. "I am still a communist and I am proud of it," he says.
Marxism, he explains in polished classical Arabic, cannot be dismissed because the Soviet Union has become history. He distills the most relevant of definitions: "A powerful ideology, not a passé fashion," says Darwish, "Marxism will survive as long as there are the exploiters and the exploited."
Such tenacity came the hard way, the result of an arduous process of political self-education. "I was the only politicised person in my family," he recalls. "My politics came from elsewhere."
His father was an illiterate but intelligent and highly-skilled artisan. Moussa Youssef Farag Darwish worked as a jeweller for many years before becoming a successful wholesale trader and Darwish's childhood and early adolescence were anything but privileged. Yet Moussa Darwish managed to provide his children with the best education available. He enrolled his son in one of the most prestigious French high schools in Cairo, l'Ecole des Frères, from which Darwish graduated in 1929. By then the 19-year-old had become a scholar. "I read everything I could lay my hands on. My passion for reading was part of the process that politicised me."
It is arguable that the young man's minority also contributed to this process.
As Egyptian Jews of the Karaite sect the Darwishes were regarded as outcasts by the wider Jewish community. Ostracised by the Orthodox Rabbinic establishment for their rejection of Talmudic laws (orally transmitted laws of divine origin according to Rabbinate belief), the Karaites, who accept only the Torah as a valid source of religious legislation, were dismissed as heretical.
Darwish does not remember experiencing anti-Semitism or feelings of ethnic and religious alienation in his youth, with one notable exception. He retains vivid memories of being beaten up by one of the gangs of Italian fascists that started to roam the streets of Cairo in their notorious brown shirts in the early 1930s.
Unlike the European, and mostly foreign- educated, Rabbinates the Karaites were Egyptians and defined themselves as wilad balad (native sons), an expression steeped in a populist, street- wise, working class culture. Established in Egypt for over 1,000 years the Karaites were, in fact, one of the oldest and most assimilated Jewish communities in the Middle East.
This was especially true in the secular Egypt of the 1920s and 1930s, Darwish's formative years. Instilled with the 1919 Revolution's slogan "religion is for God and the homeland for all", he became a fervent nationalist at a young age during a period when the struggle for independence from British imperialism took precedence over everything else.
"Egypt's nationalist leader, Saad Zaghloul, was my hero," he reminisces. "When he died in 1927 I wore a black suit for one month and continued wearing a black tie for a year."
Although an ibn balad -- a native son -- and a passionate nationalist, like many youths of his generation Darwish was also French- educated. France glittered seductively on the horizon and in the fall of 1930 Darwish left for Toulouse to study commerce.
It was in Toulouse that Darwish was first exposed to Marxist literature. "What really stayed with me from my readings in history were the egalitarian ideals of the French Revolution. This paved the way for my interest in Marxism."
In 1932 Darwish received a degree in commerce and went on to Aix-en- Provence to study law. There he met a young woman, Andrée Lastérade de Chavigny, who introduced Darwish to the local cell of the French Communist Party.
Equally significant was his encounter with Borsher, a German Marxist who had fled Nazi Germany and started a secret communist cadre school at his house in Aix. "That's where I got my formal training. For me it was most important to clarify the collusion between imperialism and foreign and local capital."
In 1934 Darwish returned home, a freshly-baked lawyer and a committed Marxist. Seeking political allies the young lawyer went to the headquarters of Ittihad Ansar Al- Salam, the Federation of Peace Partisans (FPP), an internationalist democratic and pacifist organisation.
The Cairo branch of the FPP comprised a colourful, multinational group, among them Paul Jacot, a Swiss national with links to European communist parties, who took Darwish and two other young Egyptian Jews, Ahmed Sadiq Saad and Raymond Douek, under his wing. It was Darwish's simplicity that initially broke the ice: "They liked me because I accepted the most menial of jobs," he recalls.
At the beginning of their association, in the mid-1930s, the group remained anonymous and worked together informally. Later they became known as Al-Fajr Al-Jadid, (the New Dawn), after the name of the magazine they started to publish in May 1945.
Initial contacts with labour leaders came about by accident. Douek's brother introduced Darwish to Youssef El-Mudarrik, a labour activist with a Marxist background. Then Darwish met Mahmoud El-Askari, the charismatic general-secretary of the General Union of Mechanised Textile Workers in Shubra Al-Kheima and Cairo, who in turn introduced him to Taha Saad Othman, the union president. These chance meetings paved the way for New Dawn's close collaboration with the trade unions over the following decades.
Darwish threw himself into the job with the indomitable energy that has characterised his life's work. But it was not easy. "The workers," says Darwish, "did not trust intellectuals because they had a history of trying to control the unions. We really had to prove ourselves."
As the group's labour organiser Darwish helped the union establish a school in 1942 at which he taught accounting and French. "It was important for them to learn French because many of the bosses were foreigners."
Darwish's commitment paid off that same year when he was appointed legal counsel for the Shubra Al-Kheima union, representing some 20,000 workers. He worked for minimal, often no, fees and to make ends meet moonlighted in trade litigation. Eventually Darwish came to represent 67 out of a total of 170 trade unions.
This first formal association between the communist movement and organised labour represented a breakthrough for New Dawn, leading to the formulation of a progressive platform and a common struggle.
That said, Darwish believes that communist influence on the unions was possible only because the workers had been radicalised through their long history of industrial actions. Still, what New Dawn contributed to the labour movement was a powerful working class ideology with an internationalist dimension.
The union acted on Darwish's suggestion to send an Egyptian delegate to the founding congress of the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), held in Paris on 25 September, 1945. The textile workers' candidate, Youssef El-Mudarrik, was endorsed by 102 unions representing some 80,000 workers and the bulk of the costs of his trip to Paris was paid from donations by impoverished rank-and-file workers.
New Dawn acted to promote workers' participation in parliamentary politics as independents, establishing yet another precedent in labour history. Darwish played a major role in supporting the campaign of Faddali Abdel-Jayid, who ran for a parliamentary seat in Shubra Al-Kheima in January 1945.
Abdel-Jayid lost, receiving only 749 of the 7,306 votes cast in his district. "He lost," Darwish says, "because this election, in particular, was blatantly rigged. But what really mattered was the workers' decision to go beyond trade union activism and present their class demands as a national political agenda."
In 1945 the textile workers' union developed their political platform in the programme of the newly established Workers' Committee for National Liberation (WCNL). At roughly the same time New Dawn organised a secret communist cell that included trade union cadres Mahmoud El-Askari, Youssef El- Mudarrik and Taha Saad Othman. As a result of Marxist influence the WCNL's programme was radicalised and the working class designated as a political vanguard. The WCNL thus assumed "the right and the duty of the working class to lead the nation in the struggle for liberation because of the failure of all other forces since the 1919 Revolution."
New Dawn's working class organising, along with the agitation of three other major communist tendencies -- Henry Curiel's group Al-Haraka Al-Misriya li'l Tahrir Al-Watani, (the Egyptian Movement for National Liberation) (EMNL); Tahrir Al-Shaab, (the People's Liberation) led by Marcel Israel; and Iskra led by Hillel Schwartz -- alarmed the authorities. Following a wave of strikes and anti-occupation marches in 1945-46 the government of Ismail Sidki Pasha passed an anti- communist law in 1946, effectively banning any Marxist organisation.
New Dawn's response was to formally disband and then resurface as the Workers' Vanguard for National Liberation (WVNL). If the Sidki government's stated aim was to protect "our quiet and gentle working classes" from the satanic manipulation of "outside agitators" they fell short of their goal. In 1946, 47 per cent of the WVNL membership was made up of workers.
During these years of intense political activism Darwish fell in love with Iqbal, a Jewish comrade. They married in 1947.
1947 was also the year that witnessed the UN debate on the partition of Palestine. Since the beginning of the debate the Workers' Vanguard had defined Zionism as an imperialist racist project. At the time Darwish joined a group called Jews against Zionism. "We denounced the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine but the government closed us down while Zionist organisations continued to function freely."
Following the outbreak of the Arab-Israeli war in May 1948, however, the government started to clamp down on everyone in sight. Zionists, communists, Muslim Brothers, workers and activists of all shades were rounded up and placed behind bars.
Darwish describes King Farouk's jails as infinitely more humane than anything that followed. "Under the monarchy there was no torture in jails. Egypt had democratic institutions and political opposition was real. We were able to organise freely."
After 1948, however, the monarchy was losing ground fast and the Sidki government began to bare its fangs in earnest. Jailed between November 1948 to November 1949, Darwish enjoyed only a year of freedom before he was re-arrested in November 1950. He was not released again until April 1953, once again throwing himself into activism -- for which he naturally had to pay a price. After Darwish and his comrades established the Egyptian Workers and Peasants Party (EWPP) in 1957 the government closed down his law office and arrested him yet again.
This time around the gentle lawyer was charged with attempting to assassinate President Gamal Abdel-Nasser. The outlandish ploy ultimately failed as a result of public pressure. "It was the workers who got me out. They sent Nasser more than 10,000 telegrams demanding my release."
Upon his release Darwish faced another kind of setback -- more painful, perhaps, because it came from within his own ranks. In January 1958 Egypt's various communist tendencies were negotiating to merge into the Communist Party of Egypt (CPE). Using the pretext that the Nasser regime was hostile to the movement because it equated Jews, Zionism and communism, Al-Raya, the smallest and most Stalinist of the Marxist groups, required as a precondition of unification that the party leadership be purged of all cadres with "Jewish origins". Al-Raya specifically targeted Youssef Darwish, Raymond Douek and Ahmed Sadiq Saad. All three had converted to Islam.
Under mounting pressure they accepted Al-Raya's conditions. After having spent decades of their lives building the movement they joined the rank-and-file.
"Al-Raya's condition was racist of course, and it contradicted all the egalitarian principles that had attracted us to Marxism in the first place. But we bowed to the pressure for the sake of unity."
That unity, however, was not to be. In July 1958, six months after its creation, the CPE split into two factions, the CPE and the CPE-HADETU ( Al-Haraka Al-Dimoqratiya li'l Tahrir Al- Watani ).
But time was running out. In December 1958 Nasser decided to end communist agitation by arresting all known activists. "We had a brilliant lawyer, Ahmed El-Badini. Arguing our case, he said: 'How can you criminalise communists? Don't you know that half the world has communist governments?' His defence cost him a year in jail."
Nasser's jail regimen included torture and murder. "Abu Zeid, a worker from Shubra Al-Kheima, was buried alive." Prominent activist and Iskra member Shohdi Atia, was beaten to death. Farid Haddad, a Palestinian physician whose practice had been devoted to helping the poor, was also beaten to death.
Darwish recounts the horror. "Some things I can't even talk about. At one point I couldn't take it anymore, I stopped eating. Then a guard whispered to me: 'you have to eat, don't you know they want you to die.' These simple, humane words gave me the courage to go on."
Unexpectedly, the torture stopped as a consequence of Nasser's trip to Yugoslavia. "On a visit to parliament with [Yougslav leader, Josep Broz] Tito, Nasser was stunned when MPs honoured Shohdi Atia with a minute of silence. Things changed after that."
In May 1964 Darwish and his comrades were released. They had spent more than five years in jail.
Meanwhile the leadership had been holding secret negotiations to dissolve the party. "I was totally against this decision, but there was not much I could do since I was no longer a cadre. Several of us tried to organise again, but some of our own people threatened to inform on us."
Although devastated, Darwish remained undefeated. He opened a law practice and joined the International Association of Democratic Lawyers. As the secretary of the association he travelled across Europe, lecturing on the Palestinian cause.
Arrested once again in 1973, and once again charged with "communist agitation", Darwish was released after three months for lack of evidence. The CPE then asked him to lie low, for a while, and leave for Algeria.
"I left with the idea of staying for six months. But I ended up staying away for 13 years, until 1986."
In Algeria Darwish acted as a political consultant to the government and worked as a lawyer for Sonatrach, an oil company. In 1980 he went to Czechoslovakia to work for the CPE's paper Peace and Socialism. "I repeatedly asked to come home but the party kept saying it was too dangerous. Eventually it became clear they wanted me out of Egypt."
Did they invent a pretext to marginalise a popular former cadre who enjoyed widespread support among the labour movement?
Darwish does not say.
Was the struggle worth it, then, in spite of everything?
"It is," he says simply, "a struggle for justice."
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2004/719/profile.htm
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Re: من هو هنري كورييل؟؟ (Re: سيف النصر محي الدين محمد أحمد)
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Quote:
( عبده دهب ) أين هو من تأريخ اليسار السوداني ؟ ـ بقلم يوسف إدريس
كتب صديقنا يوسف إدريس : ـ
دعوة للحوار :
جلست مشاهداً للقاء بثته الفضائية السودانية مساء الأربعاء التاسِع من مارس 2005 م .تحدث الموسيقي ( أحمد بريس ) عن صفحة من صفحات حياة المُطرب السوداني الراحل ( محمد حسنين ) . أورد الراوي إن مقهى ( عبده دهب ) في الخرطوم كان مُلتقى لكثير من المهتمين بقضايا الموسيقى وفن الغِناء ، وكيف أن ارتياد المُطرب الراحل للمقهى ومجالسته أهل الفن ، جعل من ذلك الموقع محطة من المحطات الفارقة التي أسهمت في تشكيل مسيرة حياته الفنية . لم يُفسِح الراوي في الحديث عن المقهى أو عن رواده الآخرين .و لم يتطرق الراوي ( أحمد بريس ) لشخصية ( عبده دهب ) صاحب المقهى أو التعريف بها ، ولم يُفصِّل كيف استقطب المقهى لفيفاً من المثقفين الذين تأسست على يدهم نواة الحركة اليسارية السودانية . ربما كانت طبيعة البرنامج أو أفق الحوار لم يستدعِ ذلك الاسترسال أو ذاك التفصيل ، ليكون مدخلاً لتسليط بعض الضوء على صفحة من صفحات نشأة اليسار السوداني واستجلاء الكثير من الغموض .
كان موقع المقهى في منتصف باحة ( ميدان عبد المنعم ) وهو الاسم السابق لنادي الأسرة الحالي بمنطقة الخرطوم جنوب . المُلفِت للنظر أنه لم يتم ذكر شخصية صاحب هذا المقهى أو دورها في قيام الحركة اليسارية السودانية في أيٍ من أدبيات اليسار السوداني أو أدبيات غيرهم من المهتمين بالتأريخ لحركة اليسار السوداني ، في النشأة و في التطور . شاءت المصادفة أن وقع في يدي سِفر يتحدث عن ( هنري كورييل ) ، وهو يهودي مصري ، يرجع إليه الفضل في تأسيس حركتين سياسيتين في مصر والسودان :
1/ ( حدتو ) وهي الحركة الديمقراطية للتحرر الوطني في مصر .
2/ ( حستو ) وهي الحركة السودانية للتحرر الوطني .
لقد ورد في سِفر ( الأسطورة و الوجه الآخر ) للدكتور حسين كفافي أن ( هنري كورييل ) قد استأجر صحيفة ( الشعوب ) من مالِكها بوساطة ( عبده دهب ) . وقد تعرف إليه هنري من خلال بعض من العمالة النوبية ، من الذين كانوا يعملون في قصر والده . وعن طريقه توطدت صلاته مع بعض الطلاب السودانيين في مصر ، وساعده كذلك في التعرف على الأوساط الشعبية المصرية . وأفاد هو أيما فائدة من اطلاعه على نُسخ من تقارير الأمن التي ترد السرايا ، وذلك عن طريق أحد معارفه الذين يعملون في خدمة أحمد حسنين باشا ( رئيس الديوان الملكي في مصر ). كانت هنالك ملفات خاصة بالنوبيين المُنتمين للحركة المصرية للتحرر الوطني ( حدتو ) ، وكذلك قسماً خاصاً بالسودانيين .
أصدر ( هنري كورييل ) مجلات عِدة ، منها مجلة ( أم درمان ) ، وظل على اتصال دائم بالحركة اليسارية والشيوعية بالسودان من خلال الأستاذ / عبد الخالق محجوب ( راشِد ) وفق ما ورد ذكره في ( الأسطورة والوجه الآخر ) . ونُذكِّر بأن مرجعية المعلومات تعود إلى سفر آخر أعده الدكتور رؤوف عباس بعنوان ( أوراق هنري كورييل ) .
ربما يدور في ذهن البعض كثير من الاسقاطات التي تتداولها الفئات المتصارعة سياسياً في الساحة السودانية ، و ذلك حين تتناول ربط الديانة اليهودية ببعض مؤسسي اليسار في العالم كسُبة لها مدلولاتها المُبتسرة في ذهنية العامة . أو ربط فكر هؤلاء المؤسسين وكأنه رافداً من روافد التآمر التاريخي للصهيونية ، أو منح ورقة صراع لمن ينـزلون نصوصاً مُقدسة وردت عن قوم من اليهود منذ ألف وأربعمائة عام ، ووصم الديانة وأصحابها وكأنهم قد نهضوا من قبورهم من جديد . لم نهدف نحن نقل القارئ لهذا التفسير المُخِل ، أو لجَر التأريخ ليكون مطية لأعداء اليسار أو لأصدقائه .
نهدف التداول حول الأمر و تذكية الحقائق بالإضافة ، و استبعاد الروايات غير الموثوق أصلها أو التي أسهم الغرض في بناء فصولها ، ليُلبِسها لبوس الحقائق التاريخية .
هلا تفضلتم بالإضافة ؟
وتقبلوا الشكر للقراءة والمُشاركة .
المرجِع :
ـ د. حسين كفافي : هنري كورييل ( الأسطورة والوجه الآخر )
الهيئة العامة للكتاب ـ تأريخ المصريين ـ رقم ( 240 )
يوسف إدريس
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ما ورد أعلاه نص رغب صديقنا يوسف إدريس مُداخلة المهتمين وإثراء الحوار .
عبد الله الشقليني
31/03/2005 م |
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Re: من هو هنري كورييل؟؟ (Re: سيف النصر محي الدين محمد أحمد)
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Henri Curiel, citizen of the third world, Le Monde diplomatique, April 1998 (English)/
(French)
The grave of Henri Curiel at Père Lachaise
WHEN INTERNATIONALISM MEANT SUPPORT FOR NATIONAL LIBERATION STRUGGLES
Henri Curiel, citizen of the third world
Twenty years ago Henri Curiel was gunned down at his Paris home. Born in Egypt, Curiel helped to found the Egyptian communist movement. Exiled by King Farouk in 1950, he came to France, where he devoted his life to helping third-world liberation movements and furthering the cause of peace between Israel, the Arab countries and the Palestinians. His lasting achievement was to have invented a new form of internationalism suited to the momentous anticolonial struggles that have marked the second half of the twentieth century.
By Gilles Perrault
He lived and died an Egyptian. It was a choice dictated by his deepest feelings. His birth in Egypt by no means made the choice inevitable. Henri Curiel first saw the light of day in Cairo on 13 September 1914, in what was still in effect the nineteenth century. His Jewish family had Italian nationality, although none of them spoke a word of Italian. He grew up in a country occupied by the British, and its inhabitants spoke a language he did not understand. He was educated at a French Jesuit college. His life was not destined to be simple.
The Curiels had been expelled from Spain by the Inquisition. They were said to have arrived in Egypt in the wake of Napoleon, probably via Portugal and Italy. Henri’s grandfather was a money-lender. His father broadened his activities rather than changing their nature, and achieved the dignified status of a banker. The family’s huge house on the fashionable island of Zamalek was furnished partly in the style of Louis XVI and partly in the modern fashion. While their life-style could not be described as austere, they sought to avoid ostentation, keeping only ten servants. The house was always full of guests, who came and went as they pleased and belonged, with very rare exceptions, to the Jewish community.
Their Italian (or Greek, French or British) passports were simply a matter of convenience, a means of benefiting from the Farouk monarchy and enjoying privilege of jurisdiction. They were "foreigners" whose ancestors had been laid to rest in Cairo cemeteries for generations. They had business interests in Egypt, but no interest in Egypt itself. Their spiritual homeland was France. Henri Curiel’s parents and their friends had a mystical attachment to France similar to that of their contemporary, the young Charles de Gaulle, who likened it to a princess in a fairy tale with a great and singular destiny. The banker Daniel Curiel, blind since the age of three, had his wife read him Le Temps every evening. At school, Henri and his brother Raoul recited "Our ancestors the Gauls". They learnt nothing of Egyptian history except for the pharaonic period, which figured in the curriculum for the first year of secondary school.
The family visited France every summer. It is hard for us now to grasp the depth of that attachment. In many cases, it led to voluntary enlistment and a harsher sojourn and final resting place in the blood-soaked trenches of Verdun. Recalling his youth a year before his assassination, Henri Curiel said: "The only country to which I felt I belonged was France."
Raoul was permitted to study in Paris and eventually became a distinguished archaeologist. Henri was bound to a desk at the bank, as his father’s chosen successor. One by one, he watched his friends and relatives leave for France, while he himself attended the daily round of wretched peasants who came to mortgage their next year’s harvest. Fate had dealt him a cruel blow, but how could he rebel against a blind father? Henri sought consolation in books and women, sharing his time equitably between the young ladies of his acquaintance and the Cairo whores. The former he gave Proust to read, and the latter Dostoyevsky.
His extreme sensitivity became a byword. Six feet tall and weighing barely eight stone, he looked like a scarecrow. It was not long before he developed pre-tubercular symptoms. A course of injections was administered by a young nurse from his own milieu with a social conscience. She persuaded him to help her treat the peasants who worked on the 250 acres of land which the Curiels owned in the Nile delta. Most peasant families eked out a living on one twentieth to one fifteenth of an acre. It was in the company of Rosette Aladjem, who was later to become his wife, that Henri Curiel discovered the boundless misery of the Egyptian people.
All those from Egypt who remained his companions in struggle until his death had experienced this overwhelming revelation of unbearable suffering. A donkey cost more to hire than a man. In the cotton mills, children aged seven to thirteen laboured under the blows of European taskmasters. Only the foremen had masks to protect them against the choking dust. Every year a third of the children died of consumption. Malaria carried off whole villages. Ninety five per cent of the peasants had bilharzia. Trachoma gave Egypt the world record for the numbers of blind. Average life-expectancy was twenty seven, excluding children who died within a year of birth.
Like young people in Europe, Henri Curiel and his friends read Malraux, Nizan and Gide, and hovered on the fringes of Marxism. But unlike their European contemporaries, they did not enter politics as the result of an intellectual quest. They were propelled into it by a profound, physical revulsion. What distinguished and will always distinguish their little body of activists from the hordes of European militants was the fact of being born in the third world (as it would come to be called), into a supremely cynical system of production that had achieved the ultimate in the exploitation of man by man. Theirs was no theoretical awareness based on some ideological opus or clever calculations of surplus value. It was a gut reaction that permeated their being and shaped their consciousness for ever.
Joseph Hazan said of his comrade Henri Curiel: "He never forgot that it was the misery of the Egyptian people which had led him to politics." How could they fail to become communists when Marxist doctrine so exactly fitted the situation they had discovered? But there was a problem. There was no Egyptian communist party.
Destined to devote his life to international solidarity, Henri Curiel first encountered its apparent opposite, the selfish force of nationalism.
Like all his circle, he was anti-fascist as a matter of course. In September 1939 he and his brother Raoul tried in vain to enlist in the French army. He was active in the Union Démocratique, which he set up with his friends to further the allied cause, and helped to found Amitiés Françaises in support of De Gaulle’s call for resistance.
In 1942, when Cairo seemed about to fall to Rommel’s Afrikakorps, the wealthy Jewish community crowded into trains heading for Jerusalem. Henri Curiel decided to remain, intending to organise resistance in the event of Nazi occupation. Without the knowledge of the British authorities, he was arrested by the Egyptian police, who were busy rounding up the remaining Jews as a welcoming present for the victorious German army. The prison was full of Egyptian agents working for the Nazis who had been arrested by British counter-intelligence. From his cell, Curiel heard thousands of demonstrators chant the name of Rommel. It was a shattering discovery. The mass of Egyptians were playing Hitler against Churchill. Those later known as the Free Officers, led by Anwar Al Sadat, were plotting with German intelligence and preparing to stab the British in the back. Was this connivance with Nazi ideology? Egyptian patriots were clearly prepared to form an alliance with the devil. Henri Curiel learnt the lesson: the aspiration of a people to independence cannot be suppressed.
In 1943 he founded the Egyptian National Liberation Movement (MELN), which was followed by the creation of the Sudanese Communist Party. "What does it mean to be communist in Egypt today. It means being anti-imperialist." Served by selfless activists with unbounded devotion, the organisation soon had considerable achievements to its credit: translation and dissemination of basic communist literature, establishment of a cadre-training school, active participation in the social conflicts that had broken out across the country and, of course, in the national liberation movement and the huge demonstrations in February 1946 that drove the British to pull their troops out of the cities.
But it also suffered from serious handicaps. Growth was hindered by the shortage of cadres. In 1945 the Egyptian workers, more amenable than the peasants to mass agitation, constituted no more than 3 % of the population. There was also tough competition among the plethora of organisations that aspired to become "the" Egyptian Communist Party. Three emerged from the pile: Henri Curiel’s MELN, Hillel Schwartz’s Iskra and Marcel Israel’s Libération du Peuple. All three leaders came from the wealthy Jewish bourgeoisie. Their common origins only sharpened the quarrels inherent in political action. Nor did they facilitate contact with the broad masses, as the phrase went, despite the unanimous desire to "Egyptianise" the movement. Henri Curiel had taken Egyptian nationality when the monarchy was abolished. He had also begun to learn Arabic, although he never managed to master it. Can we imagine Lenin speaking pidgin Russian? Thirty years later an old militant, Said Soliman Rifai, commented sadly: "If Henri had been born Egyptian, the map of the Middle East would have been changed."
The main movements merged in May 1947. Had the merger lasted, it might have led to the creation of the communist party they were all dreaming of. But internal squabbles put paid to the short-lived unity. A year later, the different groups found themselves all together in an internment camp.
Henri Curiel and his friends had approved of the creation of the state of Israel. Apart from the Muslim Brotherhood, the Egyptian people had not reacted strongly. But defeat in the first Arab-Israeli war was felt as an unbearable humiliation. Hundreds of communist militants had been arrested as soon as martial law was declared. For the Jews among them, their fate was sealed. In the words of Raymond Stambouli, a comrade of Curiel: "The war spelled the end of everything we had dreamed of and were beginning to achieve. We considered ourselves Egyptians, even if the Egyptians themselves considered us foreigners. Now it was over. We were no longer simply foreigners. We were Jews, i.e. enemies, a potential fifth column. Which of us could have foreseen that?"
Despite all the clumsiness and inadequacies for which they might be criticised, they had placed at the service of the Egyptian people an intense militant devotion that would have stupefied their European counterparts. They had not been spared by police repression. Many of them, Curiel first and foremost, had spent time in prison following strikes and demonstrations that had shaken the authorities. Now an unexpected war had ruined everything. They were imprisoned in their Jewishness.
Henri Curiel spent eighteen months in the detention camp of Huckstep. The authorities freed his friends in exchange for their agreement to leave Egypt for ever. Henri Curiel was determined to stay. In a travesty of justice, they deprived him of his Egyptian nationality, thus clearing the way for deportation. On 26 August 1950 he was forcibly put on a ship for Europe. He would never see Egypt again, nor ever forget it.
The man who arrived in Europe was certainly a communist, but a rather unusual one. Had he be born ten or fifteen years earlier, he would probably have joined the body of Comintern journeymen. But times had changed. Stalinism, followed by the cold war, had finally stemmed the tide of revolution. In Europe, East and West faced each other in trench warfare where no breakthrough was conceivable. What a contrast with Egypt, where everything was still possible! As for the Soviet Union, Curiel did not dispute its leading role or status as a model. But he did not see it as the socialist paradise on earth. More like a third-world nation that had made a promising start.
Curiel disembarked in Genoa and contacted the leaders of the Italian Communist Party. They gave him a very chilly welcome. He crossed the border illegally into France, where he was received more warmly by André Marty, whom he had known since 1943. Marty had spent four days in Cairo on his way from Moscow to Algiers. Obsessively wary of British intelligence, he had accepted with relief an offer to stay with Henri and Rosette Curiel. French prestige in Egypt was such that the responsibility for ideological and political struggle in Egypt had been assigned to the Colonial Bureau of the French Communist Party (PCF). But the Bureau’s permanent officials, all rock-solid Stalinists, had no confidence whatever in the young middle-class Jews who had undertaken to lead an Arab people on the road to socialism. Exasperated by the quarrels and splits that continued to plague the Egyptian communist movement, they had always refused to choose between the competing organisations.
Henri Curiel lost all chance of official recognition after the Free Officers’ putsch that deposed King Farouk on 23 July 1952. The whole communist world immediately condemned the "fascist military coup" by officers whom it was soon to glorify as impeccably progressive. In Egypt itself, the communist organisations vied with each other in their anathema for the Free Officers. Only the movement founded by Henri Curiel, which he continued to influence from Paris, welcomed the coup. Curiel had had contacts with progressive military circles for over ten years. Some of the most important Free Officers were members of his organisation. He was fully aware of the enthusiastic response throughout the country to the new authorities’ reform programme, which included land reform, a democratic education system and social justice. The reforms were scarcely typical of fascist dictatorships. But the communist oracles had spoken. The discussion was closed. Henri Curiel’s organisation was denounced as a "tool of fascism".
As for its exiled leader, the Marty affair soon put him beyond the pale of the communist movement. Any stick was good enough to beat Marty with: he was accused of having been put up in 1943 by a "dubious Egyptian couple". The French communist newspaper L’Humanité added that the couple had connections with "one of their relatives who was none other than a Trotskyist accused of being an informer during the German occupation."
Cowardice, error and libel had been distilled in a few lines. The cowardice consisted in not naming the Curiels while making them perfectly identifiable. Their cousin, André Weil-Curiel, had never been a Trotskyist, and had certainly never informed on anybody.
Henri Curiel had been turned into a political pariah.
His great insight was to have sensed the strength of the aspiration for national liberation as early as the 1940s. He anticipated the main political development of the second half of the twentieth century. Not many were so clearsighted. The PCF’s Colonial Bureau advised its colonised flock to be patient. Their emancipation, it constantly repeated, could come only from the victory of the European proletariat. Curiel had understood that the tidal wave of third-world nationalism, a mixture of pure and less pure aspirations, was gigantic and irresistible, and about to sweep all in its way. It was necessary to ride it or be left stranded. On the strength of this insight, Henri Curiel, a stateless Jew banned by the communist movement, became one of the great citizens of the third world.
In 1957 he met Robert Barrat, a journalist committed to the struggle against the three-year-old war in Algeria. At the time, Henri Curiel was still interested only in Egypt. But Egypt was slipping further and further away from him. His friends were worried by an uncharacteristic state of chronic depression. Robert Barrat gave him a new lease on life. In November 1957 he introduced him to Francis Jeanson, who was running a support network for the FLN (Algerian National Liberation Front). The network had been in existence for a year but had set up a proper organisational structure only a month before. For three years Henri Curiel devoted his organisational abilities and exceptional militant energy to the FLN support network. His wife Rosette worked with him, as did Joyce Blau and Didar Fawzi Rossano, both of whom had come from Egypt. When several activists were rounded up by the French security services, and Francis Jeanson’s cover was blown, the Algerians asked Henri Curiel to take over.
After the Algerian war ended, Curiel sought to broaden the network and give it permanent form by setting up the French Anticolonial Movement (MAF). It was a serious setback. Curiel’s pragmatic approach clashed with the romantic illusions of activists who believed that, by a chain reaction, the "Algerian revolution", could set Europe alight. (Later the "detonators" were to be Cuba, China, Vietnam, and so on.) From his experience of Egypt, Henri Curiel saw that the FLN was simply a national liberation movement. Ahmed Ben Bella represented an inevitable stage in the emancipation of the Algerian nation, but he was no Lenin. And the idea of exporting the flame of revolution from Algeria to France was simply idiotic.
On 20 October 1960 Henri Curiel was arrested. He spent eighteen months in prison. Once the peace agreements had been signed, the deportation order issued at the time of his arrest ought normally to have been executed. He escaped deportation thanks to old and powerful connections. In Cairo, in 1943, his Amitiés Françaises organisation had rendered important services to Free French resistance workers, some of whom were now ministers in De Gaulle’s cabinet.
When he emerged from Fresnes prison at the age of forty eight, he knew he had been banished to the sidelines. But if he could not find a place in any organisation, he could act as a linchpin. His intellectual training and vast reading had made him a repository of European revolutionary experience. For years he had worked side by side with militants who had learnt the skills of underground activity under the Nazi occupation or in helping the FLN. He decided to make those skills available to third-world liberation movements whose organisational weaknesses he knew well since his time in Egypt
On this basis, Curiel set up an organisation that came to be known as Solidarité. It was a centre for the provision of services. A few dozen militants, most of them French, with widely varying backgrounds and affiliations (Protestant clergyman, trade unionists, Catholic priests, members of the Communist Party acting on an individual basis, etc.) placed themselves modestly at the service of other militants from all over the world. Their aim was not to act as political mentors, but simply to teach a number of crucial skills that could make all the difference. How to detect and shake off a shadow, print leaflets with a portable press, forge documents. How to use codes and invisible ink. Basic medical care and first aid. Possibly the use of arms and explosives. How to read maps, interpret terrain, and so on. Many of the instructors had doubts about the usefulness of such brief periods of training. But the trainees’ tragic lack of experience soon convinced them. Militants like those from the ANC, exposed to the cruellest and most sophisticated repression, turned out to know nothing of the elementary rules of underground activity.
Directed mainly towards the third world, this support was naturally extended to existing anti-fascist networks in Spain under Franco, Portugal under Salazar and Caetano, Greece under the colonels, and Pinochet’s Chile.
The militants came to France in small groups for training periods of varying lengths. They chose the topics most appropriate to the problems they encountered on the ground. The activities were funded at first by Algeria under Ben Bella, which was repaying a kind of debt. When Houari Boumedienne took power in 1965, the movements paid their own training costs, which were minimal in any case, as the trainers themselves worked for nothing.
Only Henri Curiel could have imagined this unique enterprise. It represented the sum total of his successes and failures. A difficult itinerary, punctuated by serious setbacks, had enabled him to invent the form of international solidarity best suited to the 1960s and 1970s, when so many third-world nations embarked on the road to independence.
Solidarité was an underground organisation, but it held annual congresses and elected a steering committee and secretariat. The variety of backgrounds and opinions were a constant source of tension. While the authority of the founding father irritated some, most of Solidarité’s members were deeply devoted to him. He never saw those who joined him solely in terms of their efficiency as militants. Their personal fulfilment mattered a great deal to him. Knowing Henri Curiel changed many lives for the better.
It lasted fifteen years. In the end, of course, even the most hardened activists were worn down by their efforts. The De Wangen brothers, who had been pillars of Solidarité, turned to other commitments. Henri Curiel himself eventually returned to a problem that had been haunting him since 1948, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Convinced that only dialogue would lead to a solution, he and other Egyptian exiles living in France had arranged secret meetings between Israeli and Palestinian doves. Time and again, the outbreak of war or a murderous terrorist attack had torn apart the patiently woven web of contacts. And time and again, Henri Curiel picked up the threads. He had just managed to arrange a meeting in Paris between Matti Peled, an Israeli reserve general, and Issam Sartawi, a former terrorist converted to the peace process and a close associate of Yasser Arafat, when the French weekly magazine Le Point published an article by Georges Suffert in its issue of 21 June 1976 accusing Curiel of being "the head of the terrorist support networks".
The accusation was frivolous but deadly. Henri Curiel hated terrorism. He considered it politically stupid and morally monstrous. But at a time when Europe was confronted with the violence of the Baader-Meinhof gang and the Red Brigades, which Henri Curiel utterly condemned, Suffert’s accusation was tantamount to a death sentence. The press campaign against him misfired, but it was followed by administrative measures, including house arrest in Digne. When the accusation proved baseless, the measures had to be lifted. Henri Curiel’s enemies were left with no other option but terrorism. Two assassins gunned him down in the lift of his apartment block on 4 May 1978.
His activity in favour of peace in the Middle East bothered the hawks on both sides, who were not averse to taking matters into their own hands. The South African authorities considered him one of their worst enemies, since Solidarité provided active support to ANC militants up to the very end. We now know that the South African secret services did not hesitate to send killers to Europe. The police investigation failed to identify the instigators and perpetrators of the crime. The Curiel case is now officially closed.
Henri Curiel was neither an ideologist nor a theoretician. He was a man with an exceptional gift for analysing situations. He was European by culture and a citizen of the third world by birth and experience. Of all those who claimed to be internationalists in the second half of the twentieth century, he was probably the one who invented, not the most spectacular forms of action, but those which were modest and intelligent enough to prove the most effective.
Times have changed. Globalisation proceeds apace, along with the waning of political solidarity among peoples. Henri Curiel will provide us with no prescriptions for the third millennium. But as a man who lived for his ideas, and died for them, he leaves as his legacy the burning need to invent a new internationalism.
* Writer. His works include Le Goût du Secret : Entretiens avec Jean-Maurice de Montrémy, Arléa, Paris, 1997, and Un Homme à Part, Barrault, Paris, 1984, translated into English as A Man Apart : the life of Henri Curiel, Zed Books, London, 1987.
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Re: من هو هنري كورييل؟؟ (Re: سيف النصر محي الدين محمد أحمد)
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يقول بيرو أن طرد كورييل من مصر كان بالنسبة إليه :"بداية السنوات الكئيبة ..لقد رفض من ناحية المبدأ الإقامة في إسرائيل..و رفض الحصول على الجنسية الإيطالية..و رفض بعنف بتره عن مصر."
عندما قامت حركة الجيش في يوليو 1952 عارضتها جميع المنظمات الشيوعية وهاجمتها مع جميع الأحزاب الشيوعية العالمية و دول المعسكر الاشتراكي على أساس أنها من تدبير المخابرات الأمريكية ما عدا حدتو التي أرسل سكرتيرها العام سيد سليمان الرفاعي لهنري كورييل يخبره فيها بأنهم يتابعون الموقف فرد عليه كورييل :"بأن الأمر لا يحتاج للمتابعة بل يجب النزول إلي الشارع لتأييد الحركة."
و عندما حدثت أحداث كفر الدوار التي انتهت بالحكم بإعدام عاملين و تصاعد الرفض العالمي عند ذلك كتب كورييل نقدا ذاتيا لموقفه المؤيد للانقلاب.
عندما وقع العدوان الثلاثي على مصر كان كورييل قد أرسل قبله بعشرين يوما بالوثائق السرية لخطط الحملة الفرنسية الانجليزية لخالد محي الدين و الذي عرضها على عبد الناصر إلا أن الأخير لم يصدقها.....فيما بعد وافق عبد الناصر على عودة كورييل إلى مصر في الأثناء التي كانت تجري فيها عملية توحيد المنظمات الشيوعية المصرية و التي تمخضت عن انتخاب لجنة مركزية جديدة اتخذت قرارا بطرد المنفيين جماعيا من الحزب باعتبارهم أجانب مع تأكيدها على قبول المساهمة المالية منهم و هو ما التزم به كورييل.
خلال و جوده في فرنسا أتجه كورييل لمجال أخر و هو العمل على دعم ثورة الجزائر فأعلن عن تشكيل الحركة الفرنسية المناهضة للاستعمار و عمل فيها بحماس هائل أوصله مع رفاقه للسجن و خرج بعد توقيع اتفاقيات إيفيان و قيام جمهورية الجزائر. و قد قام كورييل و أخوه بتقديم منزلهما في الزمالك و الذي تبلغ قيمته الآن عشرات من الملايين من الجنيهات المصرية ليكون سفارة لجمهورية الجزائر.
بعد تحرير الجزائر انتقل كورييل لمرحلة جديدة حين قرر أن يكون نقطة اتصال بين اليسار الأوروبي و حركات التحرر في العالم الثالث و هكذا ولدت منظمة التضامن التي قدمت الدعم إلي المناضلين في انجولا ،جزر المارتينيك ،الكاميرون ،المؤتمر الوطني في جنوب افر يقيا ،المهدي بن بركة في المغرب،هاييتي ، فيتنام روديسيا،كردستان،زيمبابوي و نيجريا. وحرصت منظمته على الابتعاد عن المنظمات المتطرفة مثل الألوية الحمراء و بادر ماينهوف .
فيما يخص الصراع العربي الإسرائيلي يقول بيرو أن كورييل بعد هزيمة العرب في 1967 اقترح إنشاء دولة فلسطينية على الأراضي التي احتلتها لإسرائيل في 1967 و أن كورييل ظل يقول :"أنه يدين الأعمال الفلسطينية الإرهابية لكن يطالب بإقامة وطن لهم و يدعو إلى حق إسرائيل في الوجود لكنه يدين أطماعها التوسعية. و كان يقدم لكل مؤتمر ورقة تقول:"نحن ننطلق من حق الجماعات الوطنية المقدس و الذي لا يسقط بالتقادم في أن تعيش في وطنها.نحن نعترف بحق يهود إسرائيل في الوجود الوطني لكن هذا الحق يجب بالأحرى منحه لعرب فلسطين،و لتحقيق ذلك لابد من قيام دولتين تضمن لكل جماعة الحق في الوجود الوطني." و كان يرى أن للوصول لهذا لابد من قيام تحالف بين قوى التقدم في وجه قوى الرجعية في المعسكرين و ضد حليفها:الاستعمار الأمريكي.
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Re: من هو هنري كورييل؟؟ (Re: سيف النصر محي الدين محمد أحمد)
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في 3 مايو 1978 غادر هنري كورييل منزله إلى موعد تمارين اليوجا ..رافقته زوجته روزيت كعادتها حتى باب المصعد و بينما كان يهبط أخرج من جيبه مفاتيح سيارته و مفكرة ذات غلاف أسود فتحها على يوم 16 مايو و كتب بقلمه الذي كان يمسك به بيده اليمنى-حيث وجد فيما بعد- كلمة وحيدة هي" الدكتور" في هذه الأثناء وصل المصعد للدور الأرضي. فتح رجل باب المصعد و أطلق آخر الرصاص على كورييل.
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سمندلاوى
Waeil Elsayid Awad
Mohamed Omer
Abdel Aati
sari_alail
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست