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 العملاق وردى يتحدث عن كجبار ويقول الحكومة تدفعنا لحمل السلاح
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'Golden Throat' gives Sudan's Nubians a voice
Dan Morrison, Chronicle Foreign Service
Friday, September 21, 2007
(09-21) 04:00 PDT Khartoum, Sudan --
Fifty years ago, a skinny schoolteacher stepped up to the chrome microphone at Radio Omdurman and gave voice to a unity that Sudan has since found so violently elusive.
The song was Nubian, the music of Sudan's northern ethnic minority, but the language was Arabic. The rhythms reflected the nation's ancient role as a crossroads of Africa. Above it all - resonating in the radios of coffee shops, army barracks and private clubs - soared the lilting voice of 26-year-old amateur crooner Mohammed Wardi. The "Golden Throat" was born.
Wardi soon traded his school days for nights on the Khartoum wedding circuit. Marrying romantic and nationalist poetry to popular music, he became one of the most popular singers in Africa and a leading opponent of Sudan's five-decade parade of dictators.
"I've seen our entire political history," the 75-year-old Wardi says, swaddled in traditional white robes and sipping Scotch on the rocks in his fenced-in garden. "I've heard the first speech of every coup - imagine how many first speeches I've heard - each one the death of democracy."
Songs like "October al-Akbar," a tribute to the October 1964 overthrow of Gen. Ibrahim Abboud, endeared him to audiences in a Sudan riven by cultural and ideological differences. In "October" and other numbers, Wardi fused the words of Sudan's major poets with a big-band sound that included strings, drums and electric guitar. His popularity soon spread from Somalia to Senegal.
"He was the voice of the October Revolution," said Abdullahi Gallab, a friend of the singer's who teaches religious studies at Arizona State University. "It was a big step in Sudanese political consciousness."
Sudan's strongmen were less thrilled: Wardi has spent two years in prison and 15 in exile in Cairo and Los Angeles under three different military regimes.
Today, Wardi is back home in a Sudan still struggling to define itself against a history that includes 30 years of civil war in the south, an ongoing war in the western region of Darfur and growing discontent over a lack of development in the east and the north. The former political prisoner now sings "October al-Akbar," along with more syrupy ballads, at venues including the Officers Club in Khartoum, but he still sees Sudan's government as a barely mellowed dictatorship - one that now threatens his homeland on the Nile River.
At Kajbar, in northern Sudan, the government is planning a hydroelectric dam that would eliminate 26 Nubian towns. This year, six people have been killed by police and more than a dozen imprisoned for opposing the project, which Sudan's Nubians see as an Arab assault on their 5,000-year-old culture.
"We exist from antiquity," Wardi said. "We had our own identity, civilization and kings. Those Arabs are just nomads. They came here - that's OK. They brought Islam - that's OK. But they can't Arabize us."
The project evokes bitter memories of the Aswan High Dam, which Egypt erected in 1964, flooding 340 miles of Nubian lands in both countries. The Sudanese government forced more than 50,000 people to move from the inundated Nile valley to new cities in the eastern desert.
"The people who live along the Nile know this history," Wardi said. "It pushes us to take up the gun, like the people in the south or Darfur."
While the Kajbar dam is almost unknown in the West, it could become yet another point of conflict between the government and its people.
Wardi's days of protest appear to be behind him. He spent 1971 to 1973 in prison, courtesy of the authoritarian regime of Gen. Jafaar Nimeiri. From 1983 to 1985, he lived in Cairo, returning to Sudan when democracy was restored.
In 1989, the army again seized power, led this time by Islamist officers who quickly took aim at what they saw as un-Islamic canker in Sudan's hybrid culture.
Musicians were arrested, and police often broke up wedding parties - then as now the main venues for live music. One of Wardi's brothers was among dozens of military officers killed for opposing the coup. Wardi fled to Egypt and then to Los Angeles.
Back home, the current regime of President Omar el-Bashir tried to stamp its version of Islam onto the arts and sciences. The civil war in the south became increasingly bloody, and the government called it a jihad.
In 1994, singer Khojali Osman was murdered at the Khartoum Musicians Club by Islamist radicals who frown on secular music. At a memorial in London, Wardi told mourners to keep the faith.
"Art is like water," he said. "You can't seal off its source. It will trickle inexorably through the rock to emerge in a new spring somewhere else."
In 2002, Wardi decided to return home after his right kidney failed and he couldn't find a donor in Los Angeles. El-Bashir's dictatorship had softened its war on culture. Peace talks were under way with southern rebels, and a cultural space had opened. One of Sudan's leading industrialists, Oussama Daoud, negotiated Wardi's safe return.
The singer arrived to find hundreds of thousands of people in the streets waiting to greet him - the largest public gathering since independence from Great Britain in 1956. There was no shortage of would-be kidney donors, and he later had a successful transplant in Qatar.
"The welcome I received was a clear message to the authorities," he said. "What I saw was a large crowd, unafraid to gather in such numbers."
Later that year, Wardi and his 30-piece band performed a series of concerts on the banks of the Blue Nile, breaking the 11 p.m. curfew imposed by the then-military dictatorship to spark the audience with songs that hadn't been performed in Sudan for more than a decade.
Today, Wardi remains an amalgam of many of Sudan's contradictions. A firm supporter of the former rebellion in the south, and a first-hand victim of the ruling National Congress Party, he refuses to believe eyewitness and U.N. reports of mass killing and rape in Darfur.
"The Sudanese people don't rape," he said. "No one agrees with the situation in Darfur. It's all a result of the system we have in Khartoum. It encourages the tribes to fight each other."
While his cassettes are hard to find these days on the streets of Khartoum, a recent concert marking Wardi's 50th year as the "Golden Throat" was recently posted on YouTube.com, joining classics like his 1993 concert in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
"I sing first for the country - the country I love," he said. "For all, its good and ill."
http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2007/09/21/MNLRRUS80.DTL
This article appeared on page A - 12 of the San Francisco Chronicle
فريقنتود
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Re: العملاق وردى يتحدث عن كجبار ويقول الحكومة تدفعنا لحمل السلاح (Re: Medhat Osman)
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كجبار فى لوس أنجلوس تايم/In Nubia, fears of another Darfur
In Nubia, fears of another Darfur
Carolyn Cole / LAT
Students line up in Sebu, one of the Nubian villages that would be submerged by a proposed dam. Residents have been watching warily as a parade of unfamiliar trucks and SUVs speeds through town carrying Chinese engineers to a work site a mile away.
As tensions flare over proposed dams, many fear the northern Sudan territory will be the next to region erupt in violence.
By Edmund Sanders, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
August 31, 2007
SEBU, SUDAN -- The tranquil Nubian villages along this Nile River stretch are best known for the brightly painted gates that adorn many of the simple mud-brick homes. With geometric shapes and hieroglyphic-like pictures, the oversized gates hark back to the stone-carved doorways the villagers' ancestors once built on pyramids that rivaled Egypt's.
These days, however, the elaborate entryways are shadowed by black flags. Government soldiers patrol once-quiet dirt streets, occasionally drawing stones from angry youths. Protest graffiti mar the walls, including one scrawling of an AK-47 with the simple caption: "Darfur 2."
Photo Gallery
Ancient civilization threatened
Map
First, southern Sudan erupted in a 20-year civil war, followed by the east and, most recently, the western region of Darfur. Now many fear that Sudan's northern territory of Nubia will be the next to explode over the fight for resources and all-too-familiar accusations of "ethnic cleansing" and complaints of marginalization by an Arab-dominated government.
Tensions have been high here since soldiers opened fire on an anti-government protest of 5,000 Nubians in June, killing four young men and wounding nearly two dozen. The government has arrested nearly three dozen Nubian leaders and four journalists who were trying to cover the violence.
Now a recently formed rebel group, calling itself the Kush Liberation Front, is advocating armed resistance to overthrow the central government, which it accuses of oppressing Nubians and other indigenous peoples in Sudan.
"Our efforts will not succeed unless they are backed by military action," said Abdelwahab Adem, a Nubian former businessman and co-founder of the Kush Liberation Front. "We need to get rid of the Arabs. Our goal is to realize a new Sudan, by force if necessary."
Adem said the new movement would rely on "guerrilla fighting," targeting the capital, Khartoum, and other major Sudanese cities. He declined to specify what sort of tactics might be used or how many fighters the group has.
With a separate language and culture, Nubians view themselves as a distinct ethnic group and take pride in being one of Africa's oldest civilizations. Political observers say the budding movement appears to be taking its cue from the rebellions in Darfur and southern Sudan.
"That's the lesson of Darfur," said one Western diplomat in Khartoum, who spoke on condition of anonymity.
"The government will only listen to you when you pick up a gun."
Darfur rebels are a potential source of weapons and training for the Kush Liberation Front, observers said.
"We have good relations with our brothers in Darfur," said Adem, who is based in London. But he denied receiving support from the western Sudanese rebels.
The spark for recent unrest was a government proposal to construct two or three electricity-producing dams along the Nile in the Nubian heartland, between the villages of Kajbar, about 350 miles north of Khartoum, and Dal, about 100 miles from the Egyptian border.
This fertile Nile River strip is home to an estimated 300,000 Nubians, many of whom would be forced to relocate if rising river waters swallowed scores of villages.
Also at risk are some of the world's richest archeological ruins, notably those around the ancient city of Kerma, the first Nubian capital, settled at least 8,000 years ago and lying just downstream from where the proposed 200-megawatt Kajbar dam would be built. The site is home to the oldest known man-made structure in sub-Saharan Africa: a 50-foot, 3,500-year-old mud-brick temple known as the Deffufa.
The proposals come on top of another controversial project, the 1,250-megawatt Merowe Dam, which is already under construction about 150 miles to the east. Flooding from that project will displace 70,000 Arab farmers and engulf several hundred miles of unexplored Nubian archeological sites.
"They want to cut us from our roots and flood all of Nubia and its history," said Sharif Adeen Ali, 53, a Nubian farmer in the village of Sebu. "They've done this before."
In 1964, construction of the Aswan High Dam in Egypt forced the relocation of 50,000 Sudanese Nubians in the Wadi Halfa region near the Egyptian border and nearly 800,000 Nubians in Egypt.
Nubians see the new dams as a plot by Arab governments in Sudan and Egypt to exterminate their communities and seize the land.
"The two countries have never liked having Nubians, who are not Arabs, in the middle," said Abdul Halim Sabbar, a former doctor who is part of the Kajbar Dam Resistance Committee.
In Sebu, one of the Nubian communities that would be submerged by the Kajbar dam, once-welcoming residents now peer warily at the parade of unfamiliar trucks and SUVs that speeds through town carrying Chinese engineers to a work site a mile away. Though government officials say they are only conducting a feasibility study, Chinese crews are installing giant cranes, water towers, floodlights and other equipment that suggest to villagers that construction is underway.
On a recent morning, nearly 400 government soldiers marched and drilled at a new military camp set up on the edge of Sebu to protect the Chinese workers. On hills overlooking the village, uniformed lookouts with rifles over their shoulders positioned themselves behind rocks.
"It's become very tense," said one villager, who was afraid to be identified. "Many eyes are watching."
Officials at Sudan's Dams Implementation Unit declined to comment.
A leader in Sudan's ruling party defended the dams, contending that they would help the Nubian communities by providing electricity and irrigation for farming.
"It's going to economically transform the area," said Osman Khalid Mudawi, foreign affairs chairman in Sudan's parliament. He estimated that a lake created by the dam would irrigate 750,000 acres of newly arable land.
But some scientists and environmentalists questioned whether the dams would expand food production, noting that the region's soil is mostly desert sand and granite. Farming is possible only along the riverbanks, thanks to rich silt deposits from the Nile.
A recent report by the United Nations Environmental Program noted that Sudan's existing dams suffer from declining performance because they are clogged with silt, which has proved difficult to remove. Water loss as a result of the high evaporation rates in the desert heat is another problem. Meanwhile, downstream from the dams, farm production has fallen because the soil is no longer enriched by the silt.
It's a similar story at the Aswan High Dam, where the lake created by the dam is filling with silt much faster than anticipated and downstream farmers are resorting to artificial fertilizers for the first time.
Nubians argue that the new dams are not intended to provide electricity and irrigation in Sudan, but to rescue the Aswan High Dam by capturing silt before it reaches Egypt. "These dams don't look at all like development," said Sabbar, the resistance committee member. "It's clearly part of a programmed scheme between Egypt and Sudan."
For decades, Nubians have lived in relative isolation, shunning politics and priding themselves on self-sufficiency. Some years the region found itself entirely left out of the federal budget, which is evident from the lack of paved roads and electricity. Nubians built their own hospitals and schools, though they are still prohibited by law from teaching in their native language.
The threat of renewed flooding, however, has drawn Nubians out of the political desert, and they are mobilizing for a fight.
In addition to demonstrations in Sudan, Nubians abroad are pressing the issue with the United Nations, U.S. State Department and human rights groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. They've protested at the Sudanese and Chinese embassies in Washington and uploaded graphic footage of the June 13 clashes on the Internet.
"We have more freedom to express ourselves than those still inside Sudan," said Nuraddin Abdulmannan, a Nubian activist who is heading the resistance committee in Washington. He says it is the duty of the international community to preserve the region's archeological sites, which include temples and pyramids built when Nubian kings briefly reigned over Egypt's pharaohs around 730 BC.
"This is an international treasure, and there's an international responsibility to protect it."
For many, the June clash with government troops was the final indignity. Witnesses said soldiers tear-gassed the noisy but peaceful demonstrators, forcing many to jump into the river to escape the fumes. When protesters began to regroup, soldiers opened fire without warning.
"It was a murder, an assassination," said Ahmed Abdullahi Ameen, 63, whose son, 28, was one of the four killed. The young man, Sheik Adeen Haj Ahmed, was shot in the back of the head as he climbed out of the river.
Many Nubians say they have little to lose. Izzadin Idriss Mohammed, 71, a Nubian activist in the village of Farig, described the tensions with an old Nubian saying:
"One who is sinking in the Nile will reach for any branch to survive."
edmund.sanders@latimes
مدحت عثمان(فريقنتود)
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Re: العملاق وردى يتحدث عن كجبار ويقول الحكومة تدفعنا لحمل السلاح (Re: Medhat Osman)
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كجبار فى لوس أنجلوس تايم/In Nubia, fears of another Darfur
في النوبة ، ومخاوف اخرى
كارولين كول / اتفيا
طلاب الخط في "سبو" إحدى قرى النوبة التي ستكون غارقة بواسطة السد المقترح. ويتابع المقيمين بحذر مشاهدة لأستعراض غير مألوف من الشاحنات وعربات الخدمات تمر بسرعة عن طريق المدينة تحمل بعيدا المهندسين الصينيين الى موقع العمل .
كما التوترات ه فوق السدود المقترحة ، يخشى الكثيرون على شمال السودان يكون هو الاقليم المرشح الى منطقة تنفجر بعنف.
من ادموند ساندرز ، ولوس انجيليس تايمز
31 اغسطس 2007
من لوس انجلوس تايمز .. ترجمة الكترونية , و... بتصرف..
"سبو" القرية النوبية الواقعة على طول امتداد نهر النيل هذه هي أشهرها ببهاء رسم تزين العديد من بوابات المنازل البسيطة التي بنيت من الطين . مع أشكال هندسية وهيروغليفية الصور ، بوابات كثيرة مرصعة بالحجارة في مداخل قرية نافس أجدادهم بناة الأهرامات مصر ,
هذه الأيام ، في شوارع ترابيه دورية جنود الحكومة تعقبت الشباب الغاضب ،والرايات السود احتجاجا على كتابات الجدران و الخربشه من الاخبار مع تعليق بسيط
"دارفور 2".
معرض للصور
حضارة عريقة مهدده
خريطه
اولا ، اندلعت في جنوب السودان لمدة 20 سنة حرب اهلية تليها الشرقية ، ومؤخرا في المنطقة الغربية من دارفور. والآن يخشى الكثيرون من ان يكون الإقليم الشمالي من السودان (النوبة) سوف تنفجر خلال الكفاح من اجل الموارد وغاية كل الاتهامات المالوفه من "التطهير العرقي" الشكاوى والتهميش من قبل الحكومة التي يهيمن عليها العرب.
وقد بدأت التوترات العالية هنا منذ أن فتح الجنود النار على مناهضه للحكومة احتجاجا 5،000 من النوبيون في حزيران ، فقتل أربعة شبان وجرح ما يقرب من عشرين.
الحكومة اعتقلت ما يقرب من ثلاثة عشر من قادة العمل النوبي وأربعة من الصحفيين الذين كانوا يحاولون تغطية العنف.
الآن شكلت حديثا مجموعة المتمردين أطلقت على نفسها اسم جبهة تحرير كوش ، يتبنون الدعوة الى المقاومة المسلحه لاسقاط الحكومة المركزية ، الذي تتهمه النوبيون بضطهاد الشعوب الاصليه الاخرى في السودان.
"جهودنا لن تنجح ما لم تكن مدعومين بعمل عسكرى" وقال ادم عبد الوهاب ، وهو رجل أعمال نوبي ومن المؤسسين للجبهة تحرير كوش. "نحتاج الى التخلص من العرب. إن هدفنا هو تحقيق السودان الجديد ، بالقوة إذا لزم الأمر. "
آدم قال : الحركة الجديدة ستعتمد على " اسلوب العصابات" التي تستهدف العاصمة الخرطوم والمدن السودانية الأخرى الرئيسية. إلا انه رفض تحديد أي نوع من وسائل يمكن استخدامها أو كم عدد مقاتلي الجماعة.
اللغة والثقافة ،
والنوبيون من اعتبار انهم مجموعة اثنيه مميزة ، ويفخرون افريقيا باعتبارها إحدى أقدم الحضارات. يقول المراقبون السياسيون أن ازدهار الحركة يبدو أنها ستأخذ الإشارة من التمرد في دارفور وجنوب السودان.
"هذا الدرس دارفور" ، وقال احد الدبلوماسي الغربيين في الخرطوم ، الذين تحدثوا بشرط عدم ذكر اسمه.
"الحكومة لن يستمع اليك ان لم تكن تحمل بندقيه".
متمردو دارفور هي مصدر محتمل للاسلحه وتدريب للجبهة تحرير كوش ، وقال المراقبون.
"لدينا علاقات طيبة مع اخواننا في دارفور" ، وقال آدم ، الذي يوجد مقره في لندن. لكنه نفى تلقي الدعم من متمردي غرب السودان .
بدت شرارة الاضطرابات الأخيرة عندما قدمت الحكومة اقتراحا لبناء سد او اثنين او ثلاثة لانتاج الكهرباء والسدود على طول نهر النيل في النوبة وسط ، بين قريتي الشلال حوالى 350 ميلا شمال الخرطوم ، و حوالى 100 ميلا من الحدود المصرية.
نهر النيل الخصب في هذا الشريط هي موطن ما يقدر ب 300،000 النوبيون ، وكثير منهم سيضطر للهجرة اذا ما ارتفع مياه النهر لتلتهم عشرات القرى.
خطر قادم أيضا حيث يعتبر المنطقة النوبية من اغنى بلدان العالم بالمكنونات الأثرية ، ولا سيما حول مدينة كرمه القديمة ، أول عاصمة لبلاد النوبة ، و تساوي على اقل تقدير 8،000 سنة مضت ويكذب النوبيين مزاعم الحكومة التي تعمل من اجل سد على الشلال ينطلق منها ( 200 ميغاواط ). الانتاج المقترح من كون الموقع موطن لأقدم هيكل افريقي معروف جنوب الصحراء يصنعه الإنسان في 50 راجله 3،500 عاما من الطين المعروفة بالدفوفه.
المقترحات التي تأتي في طليعه مشروع آخر مثير للجدل ، 1،250 ميغاواط من سد مروي ، الذي هو بالفعل قيد الانشاء حوالى 150 ميلا الى الشرق.
من ان المشروع سيفضي تهجير 70،000 من المزارعين وتغمر بضع مئات من الاميال ولم تستكشف فيها الآثار النوبية
"يريدون انتزاعنا من جذورنا جميع النوبة وتاريخها بالفيضانات " ، وقال شريف على الدين ، النوبي المزارع في قرية "سبو". وقد فعلوا ذلك من قبل في عام 1964 ، عند بناء السد العالي في أسوان في مصر ام التهجير القسري 50،000 من النوبيون السودانيين في منطقة وادي حلفا قرب الحدود المصرية وحوالى 800 النوبيون في مصر.
انظر إلى السدود المقترحة من جانب الحكومات العربية في السودان ومصر لابادة النوبيين و مجتمعاتهم والاستيلاء على الارض. "البلدين لا يرغبون في تواجد النوبيون ، الذين ليسوا من العرب ، في منتصف" قال عبد الحليم صبار ( طبيب سابق وعضو في لجنة مناهضة السد )
في سبو" في مقربة من السد يقول احد نوبيي المجتمعات التي ستكون غارقه ، وان الحكومة و المسؤولون يقولون لانها مجرد اجراء دراسة جدوى .. اطقم الصينيون قاموا بتركيب رافعات عملاقة ، أبراج المياه ، والأضواء الكاشفه وغيرها من المعدات التي تشير الى ان البناء جار
و حديث عن قرابة 400 من الجنود الحكوميين وحفر جديد في معسكر اقامه في منطقة " سبو" لحمايه العمال الصينيين. وعلى التلال المشرفة على القرية ، وارهاب النظام للأهالي ببنادق فوق أكتاف جنود اختارو لأنفسهم أماكن خلف الصخور.
"المنطقة أصبحت متوترة جدا" وقال احد القرويين الذي كان يخشى ان تكون هنالك . "عيون كثيرة تراقب".
مسؤولون في وحده تنفيذ السدود ورفضت التعليق.
قائد في الحزب الحاكم في السودان و مدافع لقيام السدود ، معتبرا انها ستساعد المجتمعات النوبية من خلال توفير الكهرباء والري للزراعة.
"انها ستكون ذراع تحويل المنطقة اقتصاديا " ، قال عثمان خالد مضوي ، رئيس الشؤون الخارجية في البرلمان السوداني. وهو يقدر أن بحيرة السد التي أوجدتها شأنه ري 750،000 هكتار من الأراضي الصالحة للزراعة الحديثة.
ولكن بعض العلماء واخصائيي البيئة شككت في ان السدود سوف توسع في الانتاج الغذائي ، لافتا الى ان المنطقة صحراويه والتربة فيها رملية وغالبا غرانيتية. لا تصلح فيها الزراعة ,ولا يمكن ان تتم الا على طول ضفاف الأنهار ، وذلك بفضل رواسب الطمي الغني من النيل.
تقرير اصدره مؤخرا برنامج الامم المتحدة للبيئة وأشار الى ان السدود القائمة تعاني من تردي الأداء لأنها تجعل مع الطمي من أسفل السدود ، والتي ثبت ان من الصعب ازالتها. فقدان الماء نتيجة ارتفاع معدلات التبخر يالحراره في الصحراء كمشكلة اخرى. وفي الوقت نفسه ، ، وقد انخفض الانتاج الزراعي لان التربة لم تعد غنية بالطمي.
انها قصة مماثلة لما يحدث في اسوان، حيث اوجدت(السد العالي) بحيره من السد مع غرين بطريقة أسرع بكثير مما كان متوقعا مما اجبر المزارعين على ان يلجأون الى الاسمدة الاصطناعيه للمرة الاولى.
النوبيون يقولون انه لا حاجة الى سدود جديدة وان ما هو مزمع اقامته لا ترمي الى توفير الكهرباء والري في السودان ، ولكن لإنقاذ السد العالي الذي اسر الطمي قبل ان تصل الى مصر. "هذه السدود لا ننظر الى كل شيء ان التنمية" ، وقال د. صبار ، عضو لجنة المقاومه. "ومن الواضح انه جزء من خطة مبرمجه بين مصر والسودان".
النوبيون طوال عقود ، عاشوا في عزلة نسبية ، والابتعاد عن السياسة والافتخار انفسهم على الاكتفاء الذاتي. المنطقة وجدت نفسها مستبعده تماما من الميزانيه الاتحادية لبعض السنوات ، والتي يتضح من انعدام الطرق المعبده والكهرباء. النوبيون بنو المستشفيات والمدارس الخاصة بهم ، ورغم ان لغتهم النوبية لا تزال محظوره بحكم القانون الذي يمنع التدريس بلغتهم الام.
وبالاضافة الى تظاهرات في السودان وتظاهرات النوبيون في الخارج ، و حشد النوبيون للعراك. و المأزق السياسى ، هي مسألة ملحة مع الامم المتحدة ، وزارة الخارجية الاميركية وجماعات حقوق الانسان و منظمة العفو الدولية ومنظمة مراقبة حقوق الانسان. لقد احتجت لها امام السفارات السودانية والصينية في واشنطن ، مع بث لمشاهد و لقطات حية من اشتباكات 13 حزيران على الانترنت.
"لدينا مزيد من حرية التعبير عن انفسنا من أولئك الذين ما زالوا داخل السودان" ، وقال نور الدين منان ، النوبي الناشط الذي يرأس لجنة مقاومه السدود في واشنطن. ويقول ان من واجب المجتمع الدولي للحفاظ على المواقع الاثريه في المنطقة ، التي تشمل المعابد والأهرامات التي بنيت عند ملوك النوبة بايجاز سادت على مدى مصر الفرعونيه حوالي 730 قبل الميلاد.
"هذا هو كنز دولي ، وهناك مسؤولية دولية لحمايته".
وبالنسبة للكثيرين ، فان اشتباك حزيران مع القوات الحكوميه كانت بمثابة الاهانه. وقال شهود أن الجنود الذي استخدموا الغاز المسيل للدموع ضد المتظاهرين المسالمين ، مما أجبر الكثيرين منهم على القفز في النهر هربا من الادخنه. عندما بدأ المتظاهرون التجمع ، وفتح الجنود النار دون سابق انذار. " فكان القتل ، والاغتيال ،لكل من " سعيد احمد امين عبد الله ، 63 ، الذي نجل ، 28 ، وكان واحدا من أربعة قتلى. الشاب شيخ الدين حاج احمد ، وأصيب برصاصة في مؤخرة رأسه وهو خارج من النهر.
النوبيون كثيرا ما يقولون هي سيان ولن تخسر كثيرا . عزالدين محمد ادريس (71) ، النوبي الناشط في قرية ”فريق" وصف التوترات مع النوبيين قديم يقول :
"لا فرق بين الموت غرقا في النيل والمقاومة من اجل البقاء".
(فريقنتود*
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Medhat Osman
Elkalakla_sanga3at
)
julia shawqi hamza
حسن بركية
أسامة خلف الله مصطفى
فيصل محمد خليل
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست