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دعواتكم لزميلنا المفكر د.الباقر العفيف بالشفاء العاجل
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 Re: دعوة للمناقشة: دور المرأة فى توسيع المشاركة الشعبية واعادة البناء.. (Re: Ishraga Mustafa)
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العزيزة إشراقة،
أرجو أن تقبلي هذه المداخلة بما أنك قد طلبت مني المزيد 
المداخلة المقدمة هي عبارة عن ورقة عمل كنت قد قدمتها في مؤتمر استضافه مركز دراسات المرأة والجندر بالجامعة الأمريكية بالقاهرة في مارس 2005. قدمت تلك الورقة ضمن فعاليات مؤتمر يدعو لتأسيس الحوار ومد الجسور بين العاملات والعاملين في مجال أبحاث المرأة في الجنوب والشمال (أعني جنوب العالم وشماله) او بين الشرق والغرب. وكان هذا المؤتمر بمثابة اللبنة الأولى التي تدعو لتشجيع هذا النوع من الحوار بغرض عقد الدراسات المقارنة التي قد أشرت إليها سلفاً لتعميق الفهم حول تجارب النساء المختلفة ولتجاوز المفاهيم المغلوطة بغرض بناء التحالفات والتجمعات عبر العالم التي من شانها أن تعمل على توحيد صفوف النساء ومن ثم تمكنهم من الدفاع عن حقوقهم بشكل جماعي. كانت التجربة بحق ثرة وفريدة وقد قام برعايتها المركز المذكور أعلاه بالتعاون مع جامعة حورج تاون الأمريكية.
الورقة كما سيتسني لك رؤيتها هي عبارة عن مسودة أولية تدور تقريباً حول نفس النقاط التي قد كنت أثرتها استجابة لطلبك في المساهمة. ارجو أن تروق لك قراءتها واتمنى ألا أكون قد أثقلت عليك وعلى ضيوف هذا البوست.
لك عظيم الود،
أميرة عبد الرحمن
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Re: دعوة للمناقشة: دور المرأة فى توسيع المشاركة الشعبية واعادة البناء.. (Re: Amira Ahmed)
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Gender and Women’s Studies in Sudan
An Overview of Agenda, Constraints and Challenges
Amira A. Ahmed – March 2004
Draft
Please do not quote without the author’s permission
Women and gender studies in Sudan were greatly shaped by women’s history of their political struggle. The anti-colonial period of 1940s and early 1950s saw the rise and fall of a number of women‘s organizations and unions. It was within this period that women were given the right of a full membership to the recently formed Sudanese Communist Party (as the 1st part to give women a full membership). Sudanese women’s political participation and representation in the public arena increased dramatically afterwards and was eventually crowned by establishing an extremely powerful body : the Sudanese Women Union. Since then, fruits of their struggle towards a social transformation, where women oppression is eliminated, ripped enabling women rights of education, work, voting, elections, … etc. Such great achievements at the political level did find a resonance in the research and literature addressing Sudanese women’s situation and needs.
The outcome all over the history is a very advanced political movement accompanied by a very lacking behind conceptualization. Sudanese women pursued intellectual work not merely for its own sake, but as a form of political engagement aimed at effecting liberatory social transformations. Unlike Egypt for instance, Sudanese women struggle towards their emancipation was not preceded by thinkers (e.g. Refaa El-Tahtawi, Qasim Amin, Huda Shaarawi, Malak H. Nasif, Duria Shafik, Nawal Al-Saadawi, … etc.) who can provide theoretical models of change. Perhaps the only exception is Shiekh Babikir Badri pioneering women education as early as 1907.
The state of gender scholarship in Sudan is best understood with reference to the following frames: 1) in the characteristic of women political movement and its profound involvement in the political life; 2) agendas and priorities of gender research; and 3) cultural barriers: conceptual misinterpretation of basic terms e.g. gender and feminism;
Women political movements in Sudan:
While the rise of the national liberation movements against colonialism in Sudan was taken place, women’s political struggle toward their emancipation and equality sparked off. From the outset, women regarded education as a major route to liberation. Hence, the major concern of women movements at that time was a responsibility expressed and shouldered by a few number of educated women who sought to help out their sisters through knowledge-sharing, literacy and awareness raising campaigns. Significantly, education served as a liberation arm enabling Sudanese women to organize and press demanding equal political, economic and legal rights.
Women’s access to formal education in Sudan dates back to the early 20th century. In 1907, Shiekh Babiker Badri established the first school for girls. Since then the Badri family has guided the school through various transformations. The institution developed into a girl’s intermediate school in 1951, a girls secondary school in 1955, into Ahfad University college for women in 1966, and finally Ahfad Univesity for Women in 1995.
These achievements in women’s education constituted conducive conditions for mobilization and hence lead into an emergence of a multitude of solidarity movements.
Successes Achieved and Successes Snatched away:
Historically, the seeds of women's movement started to grow after the establishment of the political parties in 1948. Since then women participated in numerous efforts to improve their status, to defend their interests and to increase their rights. The first organized women's movement started with the establishment of the Union of Sudanese Women Teachers in 1949 which demanded equal pay with their male colleagues among others. The Nurses demonstration with their male and female health workers colleagues was also a significant experience where for the first time the long-held notions of sexual segregation in the public sphere was challenged. Only short before the dawn of independence in 1956 that the Sudanese women movement gradually started to gain momentum with the establishment of the Sudanese Women Union. As a result of their struggle women achieved remarkable gains reflected in the promotion of their status in various levels, they became relatively well-represented in the public domain. Women could make a move into many areas of society from which they were, according to tradition, excluded i.e. in factory work, government bureaucracy, the professional fields - and this slow transformation has met little resistance.
Within their struggle to achieve political rights, as early as 1953 Sudanese women secured major rights for voting and eventually for election in 1964. There have been also women who were allowed to occupy high-rank poisons in the country i.e. ministers, judges, members of the supreme court, members in the parliament (1965) in Sudanese governments since the 1960s and 1970s and up to the present.
For many years Sudanese women profoundly contributed to the national liberation movements against colonialism until the independence in 1956. Their crucial role is also indispensable in the struggle against oppressive regimes (e.g. Abboud, Nimirei, military dictatorships and recently the National Islamic Front’s one NIF) and the restoration of democracy (October 1964, April 1985 uprisings) in other times.
Until the late 1970s, Sudan had a cohesive, unified women's movement largely centered on the SWU. SWU has been playing a significant role to achieve the principles of justice and egalitarianism not only for women but for the entire society. However, most of women's achievements were realized during the interrupted periods of democracy after independence in 1956. SWU like other political organizations was targeted and negatively affected by dictatorial governments.
The 90s, however, was not a promising decade for women in Sudan. A military Islamist government had come to power in 1989, banning most women organizations and, in general, political parties; imposing their own ideology, forcing religious education; harassing women who are not in Islamic dress; policing women morally in public places; firing or reassessing many professional women while imprisoning women street vendors, and generally curtailing the civil liberties. (Hale, )
It is true that Islamists have realized that “winds of change were irreversible”, and that women can not simply be robbed their pre-gained rights. Unlike Taliban, the Sudanese government found it so hard to demand women to “go back home”. Their oppressive policies and interventions did not succeed in eroding women’s gains, it was forced instead to cope with the status quo. The NIF ideology towards women sought of “co-existence” rather than giving the chance to these women to slip out from under their hands. Such coping policy was manifested in accepting women’s presence in public life. SWU was dissolved and replaced by what is called Sudanese Women General Union SWGU. Needless to say that the activists are Muslim sisters affiliated to the National Islamic Front dominating the SWGU.
After all, the state ideology remained patriarchal. Women can be minister for interior – e.g. but are not capable nor trusted to protect themselves.
All over the history, the Sudanese women political involvements have been constantly used to serve other political agendas in the name of women but neither these agendas set by them nor for them. These agendas, whether driven from leftist ideologies or otherwise, looked at women as auxiliary mobilizing agents for political change. The target was always “access to power” and there is no harm to allocate women some leading positions. It is in this context that women’s road to emancipate themselves and bring social transformation was shaped. Apparently, political participation was a primary target of the various overwhelming display of Sudanese women organization rather than their individual emancipation and awareness of the surrounding patriarchal society. The primacy of such political agendas and its relevance to women’s organizations broadly raised questions around their autonomy e.g. SWU and SCP and later SWGU and NIF.
The conclusive political triumph resulting from women’s action-oriented efforts of change was not fully maintained but always threatened, shifted and reshaped for the sake of the prevailing ideology. Such attachment to political and ideological discourses, accompanied with an obvious lack of a gender theoretical foundation, not only put women in likely situations to undermine their egalitarian goals but also to renegotiate what they have already achieved .
Many questions will emerge while looking at women’s status. For reason the liberatory agenda of Sudanese women despite their persistent and long struggle has been interrupted? Why does this imbalance of achievements between activism and conceptualization take place? Why do women enjoy relatively advanced political and legal rights while their social and individual rights remain unchallenged? Why social conservatism still prevail even among women activists themselves? Why do we assume that women (i.e. politician or business women) are gender advocates? What is the role a feminist is expected to play?
Women activists and/or thinkers, for instance rarely attempted to challenge and analysis the patriarchal structure of the political institutions, gender relations, structure of power, the root causes of gender oppression, … etc. Other concerns such as traditional gender roles and division of labor, sexual exploitation, rape, domestic violence, forced pregnancy, harassment, … etc are hardly discussed. Such issues could not be tackled unless serious commitment to research and knowledge production is embarked upon and eventually channeled to policy-makers.
2) Gender Research: Agendas and Priorities
Women’s access to higher education in Sudan in 1945 initiated with only one female student until the percentage of female students reached 48% of the total number of the university students in 1998 (Babikir, 2002) and since then overtaken male students ratio.
Ahfad university marks the beginning of steps to institutionalize gender and women’s studies in Sudan, when they were introduced in 1986 as a course requirement. Starting in 1986, Ahfad offered degrees in Women’s Studies, and in 1989 a Women’s Studies Documentation Unit was established. By the 1998 the university offered a Ph.D. in Women’s Studies. That was followed by the establishment of other women’s resource and documentation centers e.g. the Institute of Gender and Women Studies at Ahfad and the Gender Center at Khartoum University. (Badri, )
Unlike women’s activism, women studies were meant to stimulate radical goals. The aim was to “sensitize women students to become change agents through inspiring the will of an agency and individuals who can lead social change” (Badri, ). The introduction of women studies and gender sensitization are important development in sparking gender consciousness and knowledge production.
However, despite all these efforts that have been done feminist knowledge and academic scholarship are not sufficiently tackled. Women and gender literature does not offer analysis of prevalent systems of oppression. By analyzing, I mean understanding how those systems are interactive and multiplicative, how these systematic arrangements shape individual identities and affect individual lives, and how individuals change those systems of oppression. The theoretical literature is still disparate, over-emphasizing few specific issues (e.g. FGM) while omitting many others.
A list of bibliography on women and Gender studies provides some insights into the state of gender research in Sudan. The total number of the titles are 223. FGM was given a central position in the list with 25 titles. Another 10 titles exclusively discussed zar and spirit possession.
Then comes after Women struggle and political participation – women participation in the labor force – Medical – Media – Regional – Migration, IDPs and refugees, agriculture, education,
The same list included 192 English, 27 Arabic, 3 French and one German titles. Women: frequent use. Gender: 12 titles. Feminism: none
Titles by Sudanese authors (both women & men) are overwhelming, but the amount of production per person in the case of western authors are disproportionate.
Gender research trends suggest it is being:
- Not corresponding to the changing conditions in the country
- Emphasizing on activism, immediacy and relevance rather than conceptualization.
- Not tackling women’s status and identities as a product of a multiplicity of intersected issues e.g. class, ethnicity, religion, … etc.
- Local, not engaging with global feminist debate
- On a more empirical level: problem of qualitative, capacity methodological underpinnings also come up.
The state of gender analysis and research in Sudan is indispensable of a broader surrounding atmosphere. The advent of NIF has lead into a dramatic change in higher education and research policies. Contradicting and irrational policies were implemented. Not to mention, irrational expansion policies with no viability of resources allocation; shortage or complete absence of research centers, curtailment of academic freedom, unavailability of competent staff due to brain drain, among other crippling issues.
Higher education, indeed, is being regulated as never before, decreasing the autonomy of academic institutions to make their own decisions. New Acts that regulate the relation between higher education institutions and the government were introduced. These acts restrict academic freedom by making it subject to the repressive laws promulgated by the regime to protect itself. A dismissal campaign of members of academic staff who resisted the regime’s imposed ideology or subjected to the government’s oppressive policies. (A. Gadir, )
It is under this hostile environment that a massive number of academics left the country causing a phenomena of brain drain and hence weakening the used to be centers of excellence among academic institutions i.e. Khartoum University.
As for gender studies the “civilization project” imposed by the government still advocate
religious education in order to maintain the Islamic cultural traditions and values. Such orientation is apparently unwilling to accommodate fields such as women and gender studies “as they loaded with feminist views from the west, that do not suit our culture but even contradict it”, according to the Academic Council at the Ministry of Higher Education (Badri, ).
Other kind of studies rather than academic ones are also taking place. In particular those which introduced by consultancy industry relief agencies and NGOs seeking short-term objectives and producing research in a very short time - instant research
Gender research, covered financially by other channels e.g. international organization, relief agencies, western individual researchers, … etc, has also it is own limitations. Limited budget – UN – mainly concentrated in urban areas and Khartoum- Stick to the donor’s agenda weather it is relevant or not.
Dissemination and outreach:
Again the language issue rises - English writings, except to the elitist audience, are not accessible even if translation was provided ??
3) cultural barriers and conceptual misinterpretations of basic terms e.g. gender and feminism
A radical goal of change in the context of the culture of northern Sudan which is predominantly Arab-speaking and Islamic in religion is no doubt loaded with a great challenge. Feminism, for instead, constitutes an extreme controversy, a notion that is perceived in a tribal community such as Sudan as a threatening notion that provokes the self-liberation and autonomy against the favor of collectives.
Issues such as imported western notions with a whole package attached to it (a fear of the moral influence of western cultures, sexual freedom, etc) are all strongly debated. This controversy reflects a disturbing conceptual misinterpretation not only on the traditionalist/conservatives and grassroots level but and also among advocates. To demonstrate the amount of confusion, will pose this example:
Fatma Ahmed Ibrahim, the chair of SWN and the first woman in the Sudanese Parliament 1965, describes herself as “very religious and very conservative” she always stresses the need of women to maintain their Sudanese traditional dress to look respectable and honorable”.
Recently, she wrote an article entitled “the 3rd #######” when she argued that “feminism is a concept that describes a third ####### never exists in our country Sudanese culture” , “Sudanese women who call themselves feminists are not more than loose and corrupted women”.
To conclude, women studies and advocacy and political work in Sudan are extremely interlinked informing, shaping and influencing each other. Women have been always playing an active role in the political life, however, their loyalty was always to the “party” rather than their “feminist interests”, particularly those which are likely to conflict with the culture and traditions.
Gender concerns tended to be private, personal, individual, relegated within the releam of culture which is considered as a private.
What is really needed is more serious research with a critical analysis approach.
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Re: دعوة للمناقشة: دور المرأة فى توسيع المشاركة الشعبية واعادة البناء.. (Re: صلاح شعيب)
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ارث الحركة النسائية السودانية فى التغيير الاجتماعى
أهـلا إشـراقـة..افتقـدنـاك كـثير"خـالص"
فـهمت مـمـاكـتبتيـه انك تعنـيـن الحـركـة النسـوية السـيـاسـيـة بكـل تفـاصـيلهـا.. دورهـا فى التغيير الاجتماعى
وأود ان ابـدأ بطـرح تسـاؤلات اتمـني ان تقـودنـا الي 'آراء' تسـاعـدنـا علي قيـادة النقـاش..
فمثلا عنـدمـا نتحـدث عـن الحـركـة النسـوية..مـاذا نقصـدبذلك ?هـل نتحـدث عـن حـركـة واحـدة موحـدة? وهـل يمكـن خـلق حـركـة واحـدة فـي وطـن تختلف فيـه مسـتويات الفـهم للحـقـوق والرغبـة فيهـا..وتخـتلف فيه شـكل ممـارسـات هـذه الحـقـوق ?
ام نقصـد حركـة نسـوية متعـددة الرؤيـة تـوحـد جـهـودهـا احـيانا فـي المـواضـيع المتفق عليهـا?
اوربما فكـرنـا بـأنه ليس بالضـرورة علي الإطـلاق بأن تكـون هنـاك حـركـة نسـوية واحـدة..فمـاهو المانع فـي ان تتعـدد الحركات النسـوية وتختلف برامجـهـا مـع افـكـارهـا حـتي تنمـو بشـكـل صـحـي وطـبيعـي أكثر..
وعنـدمـا نتحـدث عـن الحـركـة السـياسـية..هـل نقصـد بهـا حـركـة حـقـوق
تشـمـل كـل النسـاء وتنمـو في شـكـلهـا الطـبيعـي ام نقصـد حـركـة نسائية سـياسـية تتبنـاهـا مجمـوعـة محـددة?
هـل تعـني كلمـة سـياسـة ان الحقـوق السـياسـية لمـرأة هـي شـأن يخص النسـاء داخـل الأحـزاب والتنظيمـات السـاسية فقط أم يعـني حقـوق المـرأة فـي كـل طـبقـات المجـتمـع ?
سـأرجـع لكـي مـرة اخـري..طـباعـة هـذه السطـور القليلـة اخـذت مـني
وقتـا ..طـويلا
Good night, will come back tomorrow
Muna
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 Re: دعوة للمناقشة: دور المرأة فى توسيع المشاركة الشعبية واعادة البناء.. (Re: Muna Khugali)
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اشراقة
السلام والتحايا
مع عميق امنياتي بنجاح المؤتمر وبلوغه كافة الاهداف المرجوة ...
لي اقتراح ان امكن :
* اذا كان من الممكن نشر محاور أو اوراق المؤتمر كاملة مما يعطي صورة باتجاهات المناقشة ونوع الاوراق المقدمة للمؤتمر ، والهدف بلورة الصورة العامة للقضايا التي سيتناولها المؤتمرون .
* حول المشاركة الشعبية واعادة البناء في ظل الظروف والمتغيرات الراهنة اعتقادي انه يتحتم وضع حدود فاصلة بين المنطلق الخاص بالخلفية التاريخية واثر اشكال القمع المتصلة (مشروع الجبهة الحضاري ) وانعكاساته على المرأة بصورة خاصة مع ملامح المشاركة في ما بعد عملية التحول الديمقراطي واعادة البناء .
* المراة في الريف تختص بنوع من المشكلات التي تختلف في طبيعته عن المرأة في الحضر ، بتمنى برضو انو محاور المؤتمر تركز على مشكلات المرأة في الريف والمناطق المهمشة ودورها في عملية الوعي الحقوقي والتحول الديمقراطي (حركات المقاومة في المناطق المهمشة)
* انعكاسات الحرب واثاره .
* تجربة المراة في مجال العمل النقابي عمال/مهنيين
* تجربة مشروعات تحسين الدخل (الانتاجية في الريف) ومستقبل الاستفادة منها في المستقبل والجمعيات التعاونية (جمعيات ربات البيوت ) في المدن القادها الاتحاد النسائي في التمانينات .
مع تقديري ،
ايمن تابر
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Re: دعوة للمناقشة: دور المرأة فى توسيع المشاركة الشعبية واعادة البناء.. (Re: Aymen Tabir)
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هـل تنفـصـل الحـركـة النسـوية عن حـركـة المجتمـع كـكل?
شـهدت الحـركة النسـوية والتـي خـنقت وهـي فـي عـز مجـدهـا ديكـتاتوريات عـديـدة ..أدي هـذا الـي 'تقـهقـر' فيهـا وفـي أدائهـا وفـي حـقيقـة وجـودهـا الفعـلي داخـل السـودان كـله.. توقف أداء الحـركـة النسـائيـة ممـثلة فـي الإتحـاد النسـائي المعـروف منـذ فـترة طـويـلة بسـبب الدكـتاتـوريات وبسـبب أيضـا اسـباب تتعـلق بالإتحـاد أيضـا..واري أنـه لابـد مـن مناقـشة هـذه الاسـباب ... النقـد مهم لتصـحـيح المـسـار
ارجـع لكـم في نهاية اليـوم
one of the most important themes the conference should discous is the family law,
I will come to it when I finish discussing women's movement and social change
Muna
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Re: دعوة للمناقشة: دور المرأة فى توسيع المشاركة الشعبية واعادة البناء.. (Re: nada ali)
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اختي الاستاذة اشراقة مصطفي ..
لك التحية والتقدير ..علي جهودك الطيبة التي تقومين بها ..
وفقك الله ..انت وبقية الاخوات ..كنت قد ارسلت لكم رسالة بريدية قبل فترة من الوقت ولكنه عاد اليّ مرة اخري ..
علي كل فيما يتخص بوضوعية المرأة السودانية فهو حديث ذو شجون فالمرأة السودانية لا زالت مهمشة ..ولنا ان ننظر بعين فاحصة ..الحركة الشعبية لتحرير السودان رغم اننا لا نريد ان نستعجل الاحداث ..لم تقدم للرأي العام امراة ذات منصب خطير و مؤثر حتي في جناحها السياسي .. حركات دارفور الثورية ..لم تقدم حتي الان تلك المرأة التي نبحث عنها ..رغم ان ارث دارفور التاريخي يشير الي الادوار الخطيرة التي لعبتها المرأة في تاريخ دارفور ..
النتيجة لكل هذا تشير ان مجتمعنا هو لا زال مجتمعأ ذكوريأ فكرأ وممارسة ..و مهما تشدقنا بشعارات تحررالمرأة وايماننا بهذا ..انه نوع من الاستهلاك الحزبي والسياسي لا اكثر ..
كلهم ينادون في دساتيرهم الحزبية باهمية المراة وحقوقها ..الا انه لا احد يتجرأ لكسر القاعدة الذهبية..ما هي قدر ما سوت ..تبقي مرا...
مؤسف جدأ ان نصادرصوت المرأة باسم الحداثة و الثورة ..والسودان الجديد .. وهلم جرأ ...
وفقكم الله اخواتي ...وانتن تعملن في مثل هذه الظروف لترقية مشاركة المرأة في المجتمع ...
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Re: دعوة للمناقشة: دور المرأة فى توسيع المشاركة الشعبية واعادة البناء.. (Re: محمدين محمد اسحق)
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شكرا للجميع للمساهمة والتى حتما ستكون اضافة نوعية للمؤتمر
ايمن ، ستجد ملاحظاتك طريقها وهى فى اغلبها مضمنه فى محاور المؤتمر واتمنى ان تساهم معنا بالرؤية والتحليل ولك تقديرى
ندى، سعيدة بمرورك وسعيدة اكثر بمساهمتك واكيد ستكون اضافة نوعية لنا فانت صاحبة تجربة لايستهان بها
وكل الشكر لمنى خوجلى التى شجعتنى عبر مكالمة ان اطرح هذا الموضوع فى النت ليجد مناقشة اوسع
وشكرا لاسئلتك وساعود لها بعد ان انفك من العمل الذى حولى، ارجو ان تستمروا/ن فى النقاش
يا اميرة سعيدة جدا بوجودك بيننا وشكرا لمساهمتك القيمة
الاخ محمدين، شكرا لملاحظاتك القيمة
لقد وصلت الرسالة لبريد نيل دانوب وسنراعى فيها ما اقترحته ، لك الشكر مجددا
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Re: دعوة للمناقشة: دور المرأة فى توسيع المشاركة الشعبية واعادة البناء.. (Re: Ishraga Mustafa)
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كيف يمكـن للحـركـة النسـوية 'بشـكـلـهـا الواسـع' ان تنمـو وبداخـلهـا تـوازن..فـلا تكـون حـركـة صـفـوة تتحـدث شـعـارات دون الاحـتكـاك الفـعلي بالقـاعـدة? وكـيف يمكـن تعـدي الصـراعـات بين الأجـيال فـي قلب الحـركـة النسـوية ?
وكـيف تتمكـن الحـركـة االنسـوية مـن خـلق قياداتهـا دون وصايةأو تعـييـن?
تبقـي هنـاك قضـية النسـاء داخـل الأحـزاب السـياسـية..كـيف تتمكـن النسـاء هـنـا الدفـاع عـن قضـايا المـرأة حـتي وان اخـتلفـت عـن البرنـامج الخـاص بأحـزابهـن? وكـذلك قضـايا التمثيـل ..
هـل هـنـاك تمثيـل حقيقي للمـرأة بمعـني القـدرة الحقيقية علي المشـاركـة فـي اتخـاذ القـرارات ?
وأمـامنـا عـدة تجـارب يمكـن النظـر اليـهـا..مـثـل قضـية المـرأة وعـدم تمثيلهـا فـي التجـمـع الوطـني(هيئة القيادة العـليـا)ثـم قضـية إتحـاد المـرأة الحـالي
وإلي أي مـدي يمكـن أن تكـون العـلاقـة صـحية بين النسـاء فـي داخـل الأحـزاب والنسـاء خـارجـهـا? وأقصـد بصـحيـة ' الصـراعـات وحـقـوق الملكـية' التي قـد تدعيـهـا بعض المجـمـوعـات علي الأخـري..
قضـية المـرأة لا يمكـن عـزلهـا عـن قضـايا المجـتمـع ومـن المهـم للغـاية اشـراك الجمـيع فيهـا فـي اي مجـال ممكـن ..ومـن المهـم ايضـا مـشـاركـة الرجال فـي النقـاش..فـإن كـان هنـاك تغييـر اجتمـاعي نسـعي لـه فـإن الرجـال ايضـا لهم دور..وعـلي كـل حـال فـي مجـتمع ذكـوري يشـبه مجتمـعنـا تزيـد أهمـية مشـاركـة الرجـال..
كـذلك لابـد من الانتباه لقضـية النسـاء داخـل التنظـيمـات السـاسية -العسـكـرية..وبجـانب التجـربة السـودانية 'الحـركـة-التـحـالف-وربمـا نظـرنـا أيضـا لتجـربة لجـبهـة وعسـكـرة النساء'
والتي قـد تـوحـي بشـكـل مـن المسـاواة بالرجـال فالعسـكـرة شـملت الجـنسـين..(وتجربة النسـاء (المـجـندات) فـي حـرب التحـرير الأرترية ثـم وضـعهم بعـد التحـرير)
I will come back,
Muna
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Re: دعوة للمناقشة: دور المرأة فى توسيع المشاركة الشعبية واعادة البناء.. (Re: Ishraga Mustafa)
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بعض خواطر اللحظه .. ناتجة عن قراءة هذا البوست...
في تقديري أن الإنقاذ قد وفرّت فرصة تاريخية للمرأة السودانية لتقف على قديمها.. رغم أن الحكم كان يدعي الإسلامية.. ورغم انه في مجمله قد وُجّه من أجل اذلال المرأة والتحكّم فيها داخل السودان، واعني بذلك الضغوطات الناتجه عن تحديد الشكل العام للملابس وإلى آخره.. إلا أن انشغال الحكومة في فترتها السابقة بالحرب وتصيّد الذكور لأجل الحرب منح المرأة فرصة التفوّق العلمي .. والمهني.. ذلك لأنها أصبحت بشكل أو بآخر الداعم والمعيل الأساسي للأسرة.. هذا الوضع الجديد ألزم المرأة بشكل أو بآخر لأن تسعى إلى العلم وإلى التطور المهني بصورة تضمن لها أن تعيل أسرتها بصورة مناسبة... هذا فيما يخص المرأة في الداخل.. النساء اللواتي كانت لهن فرصه الخروج خارج صلف العيش الذي فرضه الحكم الإنقاذي.. أولئك النسوة كانت لهن فرصة التطور ضمن مجتمعات بصور مختلفه.. وذلك تبعاً للمجتمعات التي احتضنتهن.. فمهن من سار في اتجاه أكاديمي مهني بحت.. ومنهن من اتجه إلى تطوير نفسه من خلال المساهمة في اعمال يدوية.. وحرفية تمنحهن القدره على مساعدة الزوج في تكاليف الحياة.. مبدأيا يمكنني ان اقول الانقاذ قد وفرّت المناخ المناسب للمرأة كي تتطور..
ألا تظنون معي ان البنية التحتية جاهزة؟
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Ishraga Mustafa
خضر عطا المنان
صلاح شعيب
Muna Khugali
Aymen Tabir
nada ali
محمدين محمد اسحق
Tragie Mustafa
Deng
Omayma Alfargony
مريم بنت الحسين
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست