Could you help prove plagiarism?

Quote: Your threat sent a shiver down my spine your power of slur really deters me Cyber cursing, what an ultimate power What shall I do when you call in all your fellas Masters of art, the big guns of insults And start hounding me over the Internet Will I take a hike Disappear from people’s sight vanish into the crowd sleep on a bench in some park wear rags collect empty soda cans move up and down Edgware Road preach and argue on Hyde Park dance on Trafalgar Square and hallucinate everywhere Will I lose my mind

Quote: عشان تعلم يا هاشم " قريب بندر" فهم المداخلات جيدا ردى لك لم يكن معنيا بمداخلتك بل باقتباس القصيده الانجليزيه الشهيره فى هدهده الاطفال والايحاء انها من نظمك حسب السياق رغم لغتها الرفيعه وسبكها الجيد التى لن تطالها وان وزنوك ذهبا ..... طالما قوقل حى لانحتاج استشاره جامعه بريطانيه ما عليك سوى كتابه البيت الاول للقصيده كاملا فى شريط البحث وستاتيك القصيده كامله اضافه الى قصائد اخرى شبيهه تدخل فى بابها...

Quote: Quote: المنبر العام لسودانيز أون لاين دوت كومQuote: Your threat sent a shiver down my spine your power of slur really deters me. Cyber cursing, what an ultimate power ... www.sudaneseonline.com/cgi.../2bb.cgi?seq... - نسخة مخبأة - مماثل What causes the shivers down the spine...?? - Yahoo! UK & Ireland ... - [ ترجم هذه الصفحة ]i do get shivers down my spine quite often, and freaks me out everytime been ... against fear and if your getting them for no good reason see you,r doctor ... you and that you may somewhat feel like a threat would trigger the reflex. ... uk.answers.yahoo.com/question/index?qid... - نسخة مخبأة - مماثل Sent a shiver down my spine - WordReference Forums - [ ترجم هذه الصفحة ]عدد الردود: 8 - 6كاتب (كتَّاب) - تاريخ آخر مشاركة: 3 كانون الأول (ديسمبر) 2005 I've seen "sent a shiver down my spine" mostly in negative contexts. ... when they sing it could well send a shiver down your spine. ... forum.wordreference.com/showthread.php?t=73943 - نسخة مخبأة - مماثل send shivers up spine - Idioms - by the Free Dictionary, Thesaurus ... - [ ترجم هذه الصفحة ]Definition of send shivers up spine in the Idioms Dictionary. send ... to make someone feel very frightened or excited The way he looked at me sent shivers down my spine. ... send shivers down your spine also send shivers up your spine ... idioms.thefreedictionary.com/send+shivers+up+spine - نسخة مخبأة - مماثل Google Answers: Mechanics of Shivers Up/Down the Spine - [ ترجم هذه الصفحة ]Q: Mechanics of Shivers Up/Down the Spine ( Answered 5 out of 5 stars ... When it is cold outside, messages are sent from the themoreceptors ... ?Faced by a threat, your body responds with a complex cascade of chemicals. ... where time slows down and my perception expands, doesn't feel like fear is ... answers.google.com/answers/threadview?id=533759 - نسخة مخبأة - مماثل عنصرية وعبودية في الكتاب مقدّسThis sends shivers up and down my spine. ... and maybe none of the U.S. Government officials see these 350000 people as a credible threat?because, ... Brother, first of all, Iam a fan of your site and I like it. it is very useful. ... www.bismikaallahuma.org/archives/2006/...in.../ar/ - نسخة مخبأة - مماثل Why Informa's Swiss move should send a shiver down our spines ... - [ ترجم هذه الصفحة ]1 May 2009 ... Why Informa's Swiss move should send a shiver down our spines. Informa's decision to move its ... It proves that threats by UK companies are not empty. .... Pick your fantasy cricket team in time for the summer's Series. ... Motoring · My Telegraph · News · Obituaries · Personal Finance · Promotions ... www.telegraph.co.uk/.../Why-Informas-Swiss-move-should-...iver-down-our[/QUOTE- *اعلاه الصفحه الاولى من نتائج البحث عن القصيده الانجليزيه الشهيره بقوقل مع وجود اكثر من عشرين صفحه اخرى اذا ضغطت الماوس على اى من الصفحات عدا الاولى تاتيك القصيده كامله مع امكانيه ترجمتها الى عده لغات .... * فى الصفحه الاولى من نتائج البحث تحديدا الخيط الاول يظهر اسم منبر سودانيز او نلاين الذى تم اضافته الى نتائج البحث امس فقط 1/7/2009 بعد انزال هاشم للقصيده فى مداخلته 30/6/2009 ولاحظنا بوضوح فى الاشاره الى خيط سودانيزاون لاين وجود كلمه "quote" اى اقتباس فى دلاله الى وجود بهذا المنبر جاء كاقتباس الامر الذى تم فعلا....

Quote: بعدين لو كان لغتك رفيعة لهذه الدرجة لما أبعدك قرنق عن ترجمه فوريه واتى بالاكاديمى والمفكر الخاتم عدلان الضليع في الانجليزية ...... .

Quote: رد على داخله هاشم الاخير: بخصوص الخاتم عدلان والتجمع كى تضبط ذاكرتك صحيح الخاتم لم يكن عضو رسمى فى التجمع لكنه كان يحضر الاجتماعات بصفه مراقب مثل فلسطين فى الامم المتحده.... عليه وجوده فى اجتماع للتجمع غير مستغرب.... .

(عدل بواسطة Hashim Badr Eldin on 07-06-2009, 01:32 PM)

Quote: عشان تعلم يا هاشم " قريب بندر" فهم المداخلات جيدا ردى لك لم يكن معنيا بمداخلتك بل باقتباس القصيده الانجليزيه الشهيره فى هدهده الاطفال والايحاء انها من نظمك حسب السياق رغم لغتها الرفيعه وسبكها الجيد التى لن تطالها وان وزنوك ذهبا ..... طالما قوقل حى لانحتاج استشاره جامعه بريطانيه ما عليك سوى كتابه البيت الاول للقصيده كاملا فى شريط البحث وستاتيك القصيده كامله اضافه الى قصائد اخرى شبيهه تدخل فى بابها... .

Quote: كومريد هاشم.. التحايا والوُد.. ___ الأخ أحمد الأمين، سهل جداً ان نبّخس الناس أشياءهم دون دليل، وأنت رجل أكاديمي ولا أظنّك تطلق حديثك أعلاه هكذا دون دليل وسند، أرجو -شاكراً- أن تضع الأشياء على نصابها.. ____ لك ولهاشم الإحترام والتقدير..

Quote: القصيدة التي أنزلتها أخيرا : بخصوص مؤلفها الذي سالت عنه فركاكة اللغة وقبح الصورة وبداوة التشبيهات تقول انك شاعرها اعني القصيدة الاخيره جدا التي أنزلتها لان لو عندك اقل معرفه بكتابه وصور الشعر الانجليزي لأدركت أن الانجليز الشعراء لا ينظرون للأسد ونظائره كرمز للقوه بل يرونهم رموز للجمال " راجع قصيده النمر لوليام بليك وغيرها""

Quote: INTERVIEW WITH HASHIM BADRELDIN Question 1. The New Sudan Brigade (NSB) is a body initiated by the SPLA and consists of SPLA plus it's northern members and supporters, do you agree with that? Answer No I don't. You are talking about one thing here: that is the SPLA. Northern members are part of the SPLA, like all other members, also when a supporter joins the colors or take an active role, that will make him or her a member. SPLA membership is not affected by regional particularities and there are no different sets of criteria in the political movement, or in the army. There are those who fought a vicious propaganda campaign, through the years, using race and religion, to quarantine the SPLA/M within the boundaries of the south, to no avail. Many people from different parts of Sudan and different walks of l life have responded to the call of revolution that emanated from the south: a revolution for equality, justice, freedom, and a vision for a new Sudan. A Sudan that is free from systematic prejudice that has resulted in political, economical, and social injustice. A new Sudan with a true identity that all of us can relate to. A national identity that encompasses the diversity of our culture and heritage, the mosaic that makes us unique, and makes us who we are. The NSB is neither an expansion of SPLA, or an auxiliary force: it is a mechanism that is engineered to blend the SPLA/M with other forces in northern Sudan. Through the span of it's existence, many individuals and small groups had approached the SPLA/M with the intention of forging an alliance, or embarking in a joint political work to fight tyranny and work toward a new Sudan. Those individuals and small groups do not want to become members of the SPLA/M, or commit themselves to its agenda. Some of those people are mavericks; some are members of the existing political parties, but are not content with their performance, or their current leadership; some are not ready to commit themselves to a particular group unless it answers all their inquisitions; some just want to preserve their individuality and peculiarity. The SPLA/M is in an alliance with the prominent political parties and some small-armed factions that managed to muster substantial force that what is known as the NDA. With the Asmara Declaration, this alliance seems to be on the right track, and the SPLA is very much committed to the DNA. But those individuals and small groups, which we are talking about, do not identify themselves with the prominent political parties, or the other components of the DNA. Certainly they are samples of a great proportion of our young population, who are disenchanted with the discredited politicians, who are persistent to dominate the seen and call the shots. The neutralization of the majority of young Sudanese serves only the NIF dictatorship and prolongs its reign of terror. The SPLA/M do not want to leave any one out of the struggle if they want to take part. After a profound discussion and contemplation, the SPLA/M devised this mechanism, and called it temporary: The New Sudan Brigade (NSB), which they aspire will bring them together with their scattered northern brethren who espouse similar ideas, and have visions for a new Sudan. A mechanism that would allow these people to intermingle in a challenging atmosphere: battling the NIF atrocious military and militia to free our people from bondage. And in the process, engaging in a serious dialogue to intellectualize their vision, and intertwine the ideas of The New Sudan, while cementing it's belief, forging a political movement that will advocate the vision of a new Sudan in a foreseeable democratic society. The SPLA/M sent sixty officers in the summer of 1995 to northeastern Sudan. A blend of different expertise, seasoned warriors, hard men, toughened by years of war; led by a magnificent General, Commander Abdelaziz Adam Alhilo, a graduate of Khartoum University, faculty of economics in 1979, an affable intellectual with a political intuition. He joined the SPLA in 1985 after seeing the mockery of power alternation between Numeiri and his Generals, when the later moved in the eleventh hour to abort the uprising and save their butts and privileges, calling it, "siding with the people." Gen. Abdelaziz grew in the ranks of SPLA to become one of it's big guns: a master in the craft of war, he led troops and fought vicious battles, from Upper Nile and the Ingessana, to Equatoria and the Nuba mountains, to Northern Darfur. The brass includes senior officers, such as the famed Alternate-Commander, Yasir S. Arman: a subtle politician and diplomat, however, he is also known in the battle field for his valor and stead fastness, a graduate of Cairo University with a background in student politics and urban political organization. Comrade Yasir joined the SPLA in 1985, and went on to become one of its prominent leaders. Alternate-Commander Mohamed Alhaboub: a tactician and expert in mountainous warfare, a graduate of Cairo University with a background in student politics. Comrade Alhaboob joined the SPLA in 1986, fought all the battles of Equatoria. Alternate-Commander Shoul Biyar, an expert in military administration, a skillful educator and troubleshooter, a schoolteacher and a headmaster with 20 years experience in education in different parts of Sudan. His son is also a captain in the same force. Alternate-Commander Hakim: an engineer, expert in detecting and neutralizing landmines and booby traps. Alternate-Commander D.Y.: an expert in logistic. Major Yasir Gaafar: reputed for his guts and ferocity, a battalion Commander expert in mountainous warfare, a university student who cut short his education to join the SPLA in 1985. Fought in all SPLA theaters of operation, his younger brother is also an officer in the force. Captain Abdelbagi Mohamed Mukhtar: an expert in mountain flanks, known as a man of valor. I witnessed him flanking the enemy in Hamashkourib and sending the Popular Defense Forces in a stampede through the valleys untill CDR. Abdelaziz Alhilu ordered him to halt the chase and let them clear their casualties. A graduate of the National Institute of Music and Theater, a tall skinny guy with long and curly hair, comrade Abdelbagi joined the SPLA in 1988, and fought in Equatoria, Upper Nile, and Darfur. Captain Khalid Mohamed: an authority in the craft of artillery, a lawyer who joined the SPLA in 1987, and fought in many theaters in the south, also work as a judge in the liberated areas. Comrade Khalid acquired a great knowledge in the indigenous laws and cultures of the marginalized people of Sudan. My cousin Major Khalifa Babikir Altigani: the most decorated officer in the Sudanese Armed Forces with three medals of valor. A born soldier, his father was a brigadier until the late sixties. Comrade Khalifa, an artillery officer, is never known to work in any area except the war zone. After fighting the SPLA for ten years, Major khalifa had the courage to join the SPLA, and the SPLA had the courage to welcome him. Commanding the NSB sixth battalion, comrade khalifa decimated the NIF forces in Togan, and overran the garrison in a few hours. Alternate-Commander Elyas Jada: a Lieutenant Colonel in Sudan Armed forces until 1995, an instructor of tactics and military administration, joined the SPLA and now commanding all NDA forces in Garora Theater of operation. Major Kamal al-Wasseela: a veterinarian graduated at Baghdad university in 1983, used to be known as student leader with strong character, joined the SPLA in 1987, and worked in Western Equatoria. These few senior officers are only samples of the men who were designated to recruit and train volunteers for NSB. As I have shown for the record, these men were selected for knowledge, expertise, and qualities they possess, to carry out an arduous task. They have done it successfully. Now the NSB stands as the most formidable force in northeastern Sudan, with the size of a full infantry army, the NSB makes up 70% of all opposition forces in northeastern Sudan, and the other eight factions make up the rest. When the NDA created the Joint Military Command, the NSB decided unanimously to go to war under the NDA banner, with emphasis that: whenever our forces are mentioned in the communiqués, they should put SPLA followed by (NSB) between two brackets as fairness to those who are members of NSB, but not part of SPLA. NSB spearheaded the NDA forces in all the offensives that liberated large areas of northeastern Sudan, and freed thousands of our people from the NIF bondage, from Garora in the far north, to Hamashkourib, to Togan, our forces are holding the ground repulsing all enemy counter attacks. It stands clear to any fair-minded person that NSB is a success in most aspects. In the aspect of publicity, we are falling short, but we do not use sensational propaganda, or political gimmicks. We believe that the facts speak for themselves. Let me state for the record that the NSB is never meant to supersede the NDA, or compete with it, nor by any means, devaluate or compromise it's agenda. But to work with it to unseat the NIF and bring democracy to Sudan. Question 2 Why should the SPLA need a separate organ to operate in the north? Why not SPLA/M operate in any part of the country which complies more with the unionist trend of SPLA/M? In other words when you need a separate organ, that means you are dealing with a different entity. Answer SPLA/M do not need a separate organ to operate in the north. Since it's inception, the SPLA/M have been operating in the southern Blue Nile, the Nuba mountains, and Darfur (we are talking about north Sudan here, and I don't suppose you are suggesting otherwise). Evoking some episodes to prove my point: most of us have heard about the battles in northern Darfur in 1991, when SPLA forces suffered a betrayal of some ignorant local tribe chief, and the government ambush that ensued. Led by Commander Dawoud Yahia Bolad, and Commander Abd Elaziz Adam Alhilu, SPLA battalion (forces) broke the encirclement of 5000 NIF troops supported by tanks and helicopter gun ships, commander Abdel Aziz and half the battalion survived the ambush to fight another day. Comrade Bolad was captured and tortured to death by Naffie Ali Naffie (head of the NIF security). NIF newspapers said that Bolad committed apostasy by sending a letter to his daughter promising her that he would come home to celebrate her birth day and also the Christmas. That was their justification for murdering a POW, disregarding the Geneva Convention, the whole world watched. Why the NIF wanted vengeance? Martyr Bolad was a NIF student leader in Khartoum University. He resigned after discovering what most people already knew about the cult leader. (I brought all this just as a reminder these days when we read about proposition to the NIF to accept the so-called "legal-questioning." SPLA is now active in Darfur more than ever, with the same entity and the same attitude. It is all left to the local population in any part of Sudan, should they take the initiative. SPLA in the Nuba Mountains led by commander Yousif Kowa Mekhi has liberated many towns with forces composed only from the local population. In southern Blue Nile, commander Malik Agar liberated Fashala and Khor Yabous in early 1996, moved on to liberated kurmuk, Gisan and Shali alfiel, in January 1997, sending the NIF forces in a stampede. Commander Malik fought all those battles with forces from the local population. There was not one soldier from south Sudan in that theater of operations. Even the local militia, which the NIF created in that area, has joined comrade Malik, and is fighting rigorously to preserve their freedom. Kurmuk is now in the hands of it's own citizens, defended by it's own people: the Ingessina people. The NIF mustered 17,000 troops, supported by artillery and the Fourteenth Tank Brigade in Damazin. After one year of continuous shelling and high altitude air sorties by the Jordanian air force, the NIF Generals still don't have the guts to go on the offensive. It is very difficult to fight a man in front of his house. The NIF learned the hard way. On the first day, NIF General Mohamed Alsanosi said on STV that it would take them only the night to recapture Kurmuk, and that they would eat (Sahour) there. Then the estimation was postponed to coincide with (Eid Elfitr), and that they would pray in Kurmuk, implicating religion as much as possible. It has been proven to be a bluff and the NIF coward Generals became the joke of the century. Abdelwahab Alafandi wrote in his book: (The Turabi revolution) ridiculing the opposition to their tyranny saying, " If the opposition moved to any part of Sudan, the Turabi revolution would flourish there." SPLA has proved him not only wrong, but also a wishful thinker set a drift in daydreams. I hope in the future whenever the Sudanese hear someone expressing an unrealistic expectation, they shouldn't call it "Ahlam Zalout," but instead, they should call it "Kitab Abdalwahab." Back to the subject, I think the episodes I detailed here, make so evident that the SPLA/M is rampant in many parts of Sudan. However, as I have indicated in the first segment that NSB is not an SPLA flank, and was not necessitated by military circumstances in the South or the Nuba Mountains. Making my point without reiteration, geography is a factor in war and politics, why the Northeastern Sudan was chosen to build NSB forces? First consideration: the proximity to the most populous urban areas, where the (Young and the Restless)" usually inhabit. The NDA presence in the area provided an ample opportunity for all those people to intermingle, acquaint themselves, accept their differences, and discover their real persona (most NDA forces are stuffed in one camp). Is there any military strategic significance? I personally challenge this conviction. Let us explore the positive side first: (1) In any modern military conflict that involves the use of weaponry, such as machine guns, combatants need to have steady line of logistic supply that include food and water, there is no (battery-charged army). (2) With the consent of the state of Eritrea as a gesture of gratitude to the people of Sudan to allow the NDA to supply it's troops through their respected border, that is a great advantage. Also the acceptance of training camps near their borders, that gave new recruits enough time to train and grow, before engaging the enemy. Are there any strategic advantages in comparison to the South? Not to my humble knowledge. The terrain, good for hit-and-run operations, ambushes, neutralizing tanks. However, what people don't know also: water scarcity, enemy poisoning of water wells, which devastated the Bija nomads, who roam the desert in constant search for water and food (we are dealing with a government that is willing to sacrifice the whole population just to stay in power). What about the famed target, the Portsudan Khartoum transits way? Can be interrupted in one day: simply plant it with landmines. No permission, NDA leaders adamantly refusing any action that may endanger civilians. Other choices: such as, moving into an open land, entice the enemy to attack- ambush, flank, encircle, annihilate, send the enemy in a stampede. We have done all that, the enemy does not want to gamble any more, so what bring them out of their shells? They are dug deep in foxholes around civilian’s population. Driving the enemy backward by direct frontal attacks is a poor tactic, you may gain ground (politically, psychologically good, demoralize the enemy, boost your troop morale {if they are a group of jerks who believe in Turabi's miracles}. Strategically, no gain when you loose the best of your men because they always stay at the front. That exactly what the enemy did in Tourit, sacrificed 4,000 men -the best they had- in a desperate frontal attack for a political propaganda, but the war is not over yet, they later realized that). In the Chinese classic the Art of War, Son Tzu said, " when you push the enemy backward, you push him to his supplies and reserves." In other words, you don't exhaust the enemy very much by frontal attacks. Skirmish, hit-and-run operations, a war of attrition, as many people are suggesting. We can tax the enemy more in the south. Let me make a comparison to make my point. The enemy troops at Damazin, Girba, Kassala, and Portsudan have their logistics and supplies brought by land; trucks take half a day to reach all these areas on transit ways. When soldiers live in northern cities they are paid salaries to buy from the market, the NIF does not have to feed them, with few exceptions. In the south, the NIF has about 100,000 troops, dug in big cities, and have to be supplied by air, the only army in the world that is fighting on its own soil and dependent solely on air supply, the most expensive mean of transportation. Troops have to be fed and paid double salaries and may be triple. Any SPLA blockade to an enemy garrison, and one anti aircraft machine gun at hand-- the garrison would be supplied by air dropping from high altitude, usually SPLA get most of it, and the NIF ends up supplying both sides. So evidently in the business of attrition, we can tax the NIF more in the south than anywhere else can. That is in theory, but in fact as I have clearly shown, it is not a military advantage. NSB forces are all recruited where they are, however, to the contrary, NSB is now re-deploying troops to the south, with many senior officers, such as Alternate-Commander Shul Biar, Major Khalifa Babikir Altigani, Captain Khalid Mohamed and myself, in a massive build-up for a possible showdown. Question 3. Little is known about the internal structure of the NBS, now we know that Dr. John Garang is the facilitator. We need more possible information about the internal structure, the civilian, membership, and most importantly, the internal democracy, which is one of the major problems facing the Sudanese democratic experience. Answer Before I got into details, I want people to realize that we are fighting a war, in all essence of the word. All sides are doing their utmost to probe the other. Warring parties are compelled to maintain a level of secrecy. Subject pertaining to the actual prosecution of war, I like to keep them unpublicized, such as how our chain of command operates, substitutions of commanders, system of promotion and the latitude that each officer has. There are no classifications in the political arena. We are a political gathering that forced to fight. The word movement, organization, alliance, or front is not appropriate to identify NSB. We are people on the move, an accumulation of different molecules who want to work together, have similar visions, looking in the same direction, have the guts to accept the challenge and stand the fight. What are our catalytic agents? After years of insomnia and contemplation, pondering our inescapable reality. Watching our whole nation been virtually enslaved by a group of psychotic murderers. A once bright and aspiring country, now facing extinction. Feeling the grief and agony, haunted by images of the destitute, orphans, and widows. The once happy proud people, turned vagabonds, roam the markets and the slums of big cities, which they have surrounded with shantytowns from Khartoum to Wau, to Medani, to Portsudan. Images of a stampede of women dragging children out of Kapoeta, escaping the guns that fire indiscriminately, loaded with hatred and madness, when the exhausted herd can not afford to be slowed down, mothers have to make unimaginable choices. A weeping mother stops and faces her terrified children, picks up the healthier one and leaves the rest to the jungle. When those clinch on her ragged dress, screaming out desperately, hoping to be saved, fearing the jungle and the unknown. When the hateful purged the army and civil service, throwing decent people into vagabondage. When children grow in hunger, sickness and pain, when women live in agony and shame, and men in fear and anxiety. Fear of the inconceivable, of eviction from their homes, destitution, family-breakage, and children loss. Fearful that their names might appear in the newspapers the next day for arraignment in family-court-house, charged with incapacity to provide for their families. Fearful of, poverty that perverted those who led the live of virtue and decency. Images of the wind of sadness gloom the country, shake the ruins of deserted villages in Kordofan, where vultures and scavengers replaced the people and cattle that inhibited the land for centuries. Images of the savages, use rape, torture, and corporal punishment to break the spirit of a nation. We need to confront the savages, to subside the fire of an evil empire. Restrained by a contemporary culture of forgiveness and patience. We invoked the images of our ancestors who ruled the land and built the great kingdoms of the Nile, from Kush to Souba and the Funj. We realize that we are the offshoots of great dynasties. We recalled the spirits of our fathers; Baankhi, King of the Nile; Sultan Mohamed Alfadhul, the great King of Darfur, who was a saint, King and a warrior; and our fathers who burned the Turks in Sheikan, when they followed a man called himself the Mahdi, wore rags, had the wisdom to lead, and the guts to fight the evil and save the land. We are the unconquerable people of Sudan, the breed of royal warriors, blended with the spirit of majesty. Charged with all that, we thrust into action, flying with velocity, producing the heat, which melts the molecules, mixes the components, and shapes the rock. Like a comet, we orbit the galaxy, and shoot down the Satan whenever they eavesdrop in heaven. Should it stay in orbit, it may become a moon, a planet or new Sudan. When you are around people with such spirit and catalysis, do not expect to find among them personal competitions, bickering over positions and favors, jealousy and hatred, things you may find among other crowds. In practice, the NSB is temporarily run by a steering committee, which handles the relationship between NSB and other opposition groups and friendly governments. And works to arrange for a big conference in which NSB members suppose to elect leadership, choose name for the body, set a clear agenda, and design the political structure, also to discuss what ever they wish. The army like all other NDA forces is commanded by the Joint-Military-Command. Internal affairs are worked out in the meetings of the forces. Those meetings differ from battalion to another depending on the circumstances of the war. There is a weekly officer's meeting, and senior officers may have to convene three times a day. Administrative issues have to be worked out with participation of all the forces. There is also a general meeting open for all issues. The system of military seniority does not work in a revolutionary army, outside the battlefield. You deal with people who are there by their own will, fighting for what they believe is right, they are not professionals, and receive no salaries. If you forced them into something without persuasion, they would simply desert you. The facilitator is a position undertaken by the leadership of the SPLA/M to accommodate all different groups into this body. SPLA is the largest force in NSB, and also the largest of NDA forces. SPLA leadership ratifies the recommendations of NSB military command in cases of commissioning or grading officers. Recruits, who wish to join NSB as part of SPLA component, they may indicate that. SPLA does not solicit enrollment among the ranks. Commanders have to reiterate their admonition to new recruits that they are free to quit at any time, and they may request a letter of recommendation, should they consider joining any other NDA group. NSB camps with the Umma, DUP, and LC. NSB members welcome any Sudanese, who would like to visit their camp for any purpose. They are willing to accommodate individuals and families in their humble living conditions. There are people who visit the camp every other day. Those who are interested in military training of any kind, an instructor will be assigned to teach them. There is no obligation to join NSB and there is no pressure. Should any one believe they have a message of their own, and would like to address the force in the camp or in the liberated area, they are welcome to do so at a given time, depending on the war’s circumstances. Troops are not subjected to brainwashing, indoctrination, or any kind of mental suppression. There is an atmosphere of free learning and dialogues. Individuals are encouraged to argue their own convictions and espouse their own ideas. SPLA do not imply their agenda on NSB, because that simply means SPLA/M copy itself, which is not the purpose of the project. NSB is not an elite enterprise, and is not exclusive to any group of people, and no one in any capacity, from it's existence components or future ones has the right to reject any individual or group should they desire to join NSB. Any individual or group, who believe in the principles and vision of the project, can assume it's membership, and do not have to be physically associated with the respective armed group presently liberating large areas of our beloved Sudan. Should this mechanism succeed, SPLA/M will dissolve and merge itself in NSB. These are my own words, and to the best of my limited conception. Question 4. Many sympathizers with NSB and other armed factions are worried about the future relationships between these factions. Namely how are they going to settle any dispute that might arise? Answer It is a hypothetical question that implies an obvious innuendo. But I also detect in the spirit of the question a passive attitude. So before I deal with the innuendo, let me first challenge the sense of resignation. All Sudanese have the same individual share in their country, no matter they fight for it or not. Those who are carrying the guns can achieve no different standard of citizenship, and expect no political weight other than the mandate of the people in an internationally recognized standard of democracy of one-man-one-vote. In essence even those who are not carrying the guns have the same right whether they are individuals or groups, to make their point and dispute in all issues, pertaining to Sudan as a country, people, or its relationship with other countries, now or in the future. Big policies are on the move, crucial issues are discussed behind closed doors, with the absence of the people, those who are not carrying the guns should not shy away and resign their respective rights. We should not let our hatred to the NIF and their atrocities derail us from our common objectives, that is democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. The frustration with some sectarian leaders should not drive people to give a blank check to Bonapartism. That exactly how the NIF deceived the public with their camouflaged dictatorship. It was souring to see a bunch of incompetent soldier deceiving the multitude, but it was appalling to see those, who are presumably carryings the banner of enlightenment, and supposed to be the societies first line of fire, succumbing to a military coup, and resigning in apathy. Any group who are speaking or fighting on behalf of the people, must be checked, by concerned individuals, civil organizations, and human right groups. Political meetings and conferences must be open to observers and legal experts. There are no political secrets in democracy. Military camps must be open to concerned individuals and human right organizations. Any group resents public scrutiny; their credibility must be questioned. Those who do not live by the standards of human rights and democracy can not deliver them to the society. We have liberated large areas of our country. Unfortunately from all those scattered civil and human rights groups, non has set a foot there to interview the people about NIF atrocities or to view our own conduct fist hand, that is done only by foreign NGOs, diplomats, and journalists. To follow the Sudanese melodrama through the press is not enough, and travelers do not depict the whole picture. There must be physical presence for those who have the capacity to play significant roles. Sudan is not a matter of concern to the western media. The Arabic media publish only statements and interviews from both sides (they do not investigate), some cannot hide their racial animosity toward the SPLA, and manipulative to bring about certain scenario in Sudan. Their correspondents in Khartoum practice journalistic prostitution. Definitely no media channel can transpire the magnitude of the catastrophes that the NIF has manufactured in Sudan. Back to the question and the innuendo, I believe the fragmentary appearance of NDA forces is a subject of concern to many thoughtful Sudanese, and certainly it is a legitimate concern. As history teaches it may look like a recipe for disaster. However, history also teaches that the feared dispute could happen within one organization. SPLA has experienced regrettable divisions and split in 1991. The NDA, presently, has nine armed factions operating in Sudan. The official position of SPLA and NSB is that, it is not in the interest of our people should we march into Khartoum under nine different banners. Thus, some sort of amalgamation is imperative, not only to relief the apprehension and skepticism, but also to prosecute the war in a more orchestrated fashion. The odds of civil war continuity after the NIF hits the road is not a shallow subject that can be probed by hypothesis and imaginative scenario. The issue that needs to be studied thoroughly is that: will the militarization of the Sudanese political parties brings more democracy and stability in the future, or will it exacerbate the situation? Question 5. Many observers believe that the coming change is different from all the traditional uprisings in Sudan. If you agree, what did the armed struggle add to the process, is there new faction of the society to be mobilized? Any new social array? Shall we expect to break the vicious circle of democracy-dictatorship-uprising. Answer I agree, but I think what brought us to this level, and exacerbated the situation, is that the NDA wasted many years, waiting for the old scenario to unfold by itself. As we all know that anticipation proved to be wishful thinking (kitab Abdelwahab). It was not the NDA inefficiency as many proclaim. In fairness, we should not forget that NDA did not resort to armed-struggle as a choice to topple the NIF dictatorship. In fact they were pushed to it by a despicable challenge from the NIF military puppet as a response to the students demonstrations of September 1995, and it was an attempt to divert the attention from his domestic failures, and to establish his authority over his shaky military. When the dog scares, it runs around the house and barks. Why the repetition of history is ruled out? I think the NIF has made the change by diverting all the country's resources and making all its policies toward one goal: (survival against the will of the people). It is an organization that is built to dictate others. It's ideology suppose to convince only the members, the rest of the society would have to submit to it. The NIF system of rule and survival stands on two pillars, terror, and deception. How they managed to deliver that, is hardly a mystery. The NIF individuals are frail, slouch, victimized, paranoid, and not logically presented. They join the group for refuge, comfort, and a powerful desire to subdue others. They learn to lie and justify, their philosophy is the art of justification. They hide their identity, lead the life of deception, smile when they are infuriated, and laugh when they are in fear. Condescending and harbor a conviction of their imaginative superiority over others. Arrogance brought them closer to Satan, and he sponsors them for life. They are the disciples of Satan, masters of deception. The NIF security apparatus is made up from street boys, raised and trained from the early eighties in a shelter near the secret Masonic shrine in Soba, which called the 'African Islamic Institute'. The record of the NIF security apparatus is known all over the world, their techniques of torture should be added to the Guinness book of records. The use of street boys to crush opposition and subdue nations was borrowed by the NIF from the Ottoman Empire, which had a force historically called the Ganissaries: an army of children slaves, the Turkish used them to conquer nations and build the Ottoman Empire. The Ganissaries brought havoc and degeneracy wherever they went. Military dictatorships in Latin America, in their armies and secret police have also used street boys, because they are ruthless people, who cannot relate to the society. After eight years, the NIF two instruments of subjection have failed to subdue the nation. On the contrary, the Sudanese people more than ever want to fight their oppressors. The belligerence of the DUP leadership and their sounding resolve, will have a profound effect in the largest Sufi denomination and perhaps in the Sudanese Sufism at large. The confrontation between the savages and the (Khatmia) last year, when the NIF prevented the annual celebration of (Maulid Alsayyed Ali el Mirghani), showed the transformation of (Khatmia), from just an electorate to a fighting force. The NIF exploitation of Islam as a catalyst for war has failed. Now they have turned to racism and tribalism to maintain their rule (which is the old style used by their masters, the Europeans colonialists to rule the wold). As a result, tribalism and racism are plaguing the country, as we have never seen before. But tribalism is a two edged sword, and the NIF is sustaining wound of the other edge. The NIF tactics and intrigues are no longer valid. The old strategies of deception (delivering different speeches to different audiences) a paradox of four speeches. Two for domestic audiences, one for the civilians and the other for military, and two for foreign audience, one for the west and the other for the Arab world. With the advancement of communication technology, people are able to combine all four speeches and view them in one context. When the NIF whispers to the west about their ability to tame the so-called Islamic fundamentalists in the Middle East, that whisper is heard all over the Arab world. When they preach their civilian population about western conspiracy against Islam, and instigate the military and their militia to conquer the infidels in the name of Islam, the west listens to that very carefully. The NIf contradictory rhetoric confused even their ardent supporters and demoralized their military. They have tried to copy the Libyan and Syrian systems of dictatorships, disregarding the fact that Sudanese are totally different fabric of people. Had the NIF read the classics, they would have learned to do better. To insure the continuity of democracy, and freedom for the people, the military institution has to stay out of politics, willingly or by force. The role of the military institution as a political party should come to an end. To allow the military institution to sit as an opposition party after every uprising, waiting for the right moment to move to power un-elected, can no longer be tolerated. We need a new military with a positive attitude and a clear objective, to protect the integrity of the Sudanese borders. The existing military institution will go with the NIF. I say it bluntly to those leaders who are trying to distance themselves from the war, while supporting it implicitly, whether they are intimidated by the NIF military, or hoping to inherit it (Kitab Abdelwahab). The NIF military will hit the road whenever their masters flee the country. The militarization of the political parties has added a new dimension to our political life. Future dictators have a free lesson. Above all, the fighting spirit of our young people, that is displaying in the battle field, will be the real deterrent to any group of incompetent ambitious officers, who may consider sneaking in the middle of Thursday night to occupy the national radio station, and call it a revolution. War is a refining experience; it has compromise the NIF and the whole world have the pleasure of seeing them as they really are, not as they pretended to be. They are not men of war; they are rounding up school children and sending them to war, while themselves are staying home with women. Their military puppet has said governors and ministers would command battalions to recapture Kurmuk. None has showed up, their demagogism no longer works, they are having a hard time to manipulate kids to die for them. Adolescents do not seem to be moved by the bombardment of religious eroticism from the NIF media; some NIF members used even the mosques to preach fabricated stories about sex in paradise, to inspire kid to go to war. As for themselves, the NIF members are content with the earthly things. Question 6. Any comments about the recent efforts toward a peaceful transformation of the NIF government, or reconciliation under any name? Answer. I was privileged to address a gathering of thoughtful Sudanese at the DUP headquarters in Cairo in the fall of 1996. Besides other subjects, I talked about the political maneuvers of some genius leaders who still believe that they can outsmart every body in Sudan. I have said it before, and let me now put it in writing. If any leader or a super leader thinks that we are sacrificing our lives, jeopardizing our families, and exposing our children in order to give him some leverage to negotiate with the NIF, he or she must be living in illusion, and has to come back to reality sooner rather than later (Kitab Abdelwahab). We are not from the same caliber of people who had been exploited for decades to build political images. Our blood cannot be sold; it is majestic and priceless. Our families don't accept the so-called financial compensation or any quid pro quo. Those who want to rescue the NIF, have to get rid of us first, because as long as we are around, the NIF is in deep, deep trouble. Should the NIF decide tomorrow to back up and leave the country, we still going to track them down in the seven continents and bring them to justice. They will be punished for every life have taken, every drop of blood they have shed, every tear they have caused, every life they have shattered, and every piastre they have looted. I had never been so humiliated and ridiculed in my whole life until I have read the word "questioning," (mussa’alla) in a proposal to the NIF, although some have come up with their own English translation to it and made it "legal questioning." This way or the other, the arabic word (mussa’alla) has no legal connotation, and definitely does not mean prosecution. In the same proposal there was a mentioning of financial compensation to silence the victims of NIF crimes or their families. No surprise that some politicians have the audacity to show their apathy and indifference to the suffering of our people under the NIF hammer. If taking power by force, killing, torturing, detaining people without charges, and without trials, expelling thousands from their jobs to be replaced by NIF members, #####ng the country, depriving millions of people, breaking families, and shattering lives, rounding up school kids and sending them to the slaughter house, denying people the freedom of gathering, freedom of movement, freedom of speech, and virtually enslaving a whole nation. If all that is not a crime, so what is crime? And what deserve punishment? Who is going to go to jail tomorrow? Philip Abbas Gaboush, for allegedly taking some used cloths from a charity organization and selling them in the market, or may be the destitute who steal radios and shoes! Are we a nation that plagued with oblivion? Have we forgotten the release of Sharif Eltouhami, Omer Mohamed Eltayeb, Hafsa Abadi and her team of torture, the acquittal of Asim Kabashi that encouraged him to pursue his career of torture in the NIF security apparatus? I have seen many travesties in my humble life, but the so-called (Mussaalla) would be the mother of all travesties. From where did the idea of (mussaalla) originate? I think some learned leaders are obviously and naively fascinated with the experience of current South Africa, and perhaps they want to import its idea of the Committee of Truth and Reconciliation. We have learned through the media that many citizens of that country were summoned to address the committee and answer some questions about their roles in crime during the apartheid era. Those who are begging the west to apply more pressure on the NIF and play the same role that brought the transition in South Africa are missing the point. Sudan lacks the basic ingredient for such a scenario. The NIF are not De Klerks and certainly those leaders are not Mandellas. Those who are pursuing the policy of appeasement have been able to do that for many years unchecked. Because they have transformed their political parties into employment agencies, congested with those who possess degree and pedigree and Waiting to Excel. Those who are relying solely on the leader for their future positions and the favors that come with them are men who are not more than rubber stamps. When a leader has these kinds of people at his disposal; it should come as no surprise if he or she proclaims omniscience. It is funny when those people ridicule us, the ones who go to war, and dismiss us as men whom possess below the average of human intelligence, or have no life and nothing to lose. Certainly no one can measure his or her own intelligence. But thank God, we enjoy life and love, and we are gifted with children who are healthy and good-natured. Our resolve is not borne out of deprivation or emptiness. No hard feelings, those, who are intellectually castrated, may continue to ridicule us, ironically, they have the audacity to proclaim mastery in the craft of politics. Those who are enslaved by their lust and desire should make no mistake that death comes around, and enter every seclusion unexpected and uninvited. We go to war and fight evil because the love of our country and the love of justice and freedom are ingrained in us. Politics is neither a hobby, nor a profession for us. We are just walking with destiny. We march the jungle in ranks, across rivers and mountains. The vultures fly low over our ######### We inhale the breeze of freedom We live proud, and die like lions in the wilderness. We are the army of the people Destined to fight, and bound to liberate. We are the lasts of the Samurai the creme de la creme of SPLA We are the legendary New Sudan Brigade. Major Hashim BadrEldin Mohamed Commander of Special Forces The New Sudan Brigade Feb. 4, 1998