|
|
|
 Re: Eyes on darfur (Re: محمد حسن العمدة)
|
Tawila
Tawila, once a major trading centre on the main road between El Fasher and Kapkabia, two government garrison towns in North Darfur, has a displaced population more than twice the size of the original town - a remarkable statistic even for a region that has the largest displaced population in the world today.
Some of the displaced are crammed into official camps like Dali, south of Tawila, where more than 10,000 people compete for water from just two working hand pumps. More than 15,000 others have made their own grass-and-plastic camp literally on the fence of the African Union base in Tawila - thinking there might be some security in being as close as possible to the AU troops.
UN officials estimate that more than two million people are displaced in Darfur - approximately a third of the population of Sudan's largest region. The displacement has its roots in a conflict that erupted in 2003 when two rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Army and the Justice and Equality Movement, took up arms to demand negotiations for power and wealth-sharing similar to negotiations then taking place between the Sudanese government and rebels in Southern Sudan. In 2003, the government responded to the insurgency with a brutal scorched-earth campaign carried out by its own armed forces and its proxy militias, the Janjawid.
Typical of this early phase of the war was an attack on Tawila on February 27, 2004 by hundreds of Janjawid mounted on camels and horses and supplied by government gunships. By the time the attack was over three days later, 75 people had been killed, 350 women and children abducted and more than 100 women raped, including 41 teachers and girls from Tawila school.
A young girl who now has a child born of rape told Amnesty International: I was raped by four men inside the school. When they left they told us they would take care of all of us black people and clean Darfur for good. I want revenge for what the Janjawid did to me, but I do not trust the police. They are like Janjawid to me. I cannot complain to the police, they will punish me even more. Some Janjawid are in the police and some policemen themselves are Janjawid.
In the days before the attack, more than 500 Janjawid had converged on Tawila from different directions and congregated in a makeshift camp on a nearby hill - without interference from the government forces in the area. The Janjawid had light and medium weapons, communication, internal structure - and impunity. The state capital of North Darfur, El Fasher, is only forty miles away from Tawila. But it was only after the Janjawid withdrew from the town, on the third day, that the Khartoum-appointed governor of the state, Osman Yusuf Kibir, sent representatives to Tawila.
On November 22, 2004, the rebel Sudan Liberation Army targeted the town of Tawila's police stations, killing 22 policemen, but in so doing also killed a number of civilians. The government responded with a bombardment by Antonov planes - a notoriously inaccurate weapon - that put 40,000 displaced people to flight, caused the evacuation of 45 humanitarian workers and left many of the displaced who had opted not to flee beyond the reach of food aid for many weeks.
Today, Tawila is a microcosm of the multi-faceted conflict that plagues Darfur in the fifth year of the insurgency. The town and its surroundings are perpetually insecure because of continuing violence by the government and its proxies, but also because of rebel attacks, armed robbery and fighting between rebels who support the Darfur Peace Agreement signed in May 2006 and others who reject it.
With the area often deemed too insecure for relief operations, the situation in the camps is always difficult and sometimes impossible. All 18,000 inhabitants of the Dali camp fled in September 2005 when the camp and town were attacked by a convoy of Sudan government military and police. A UN report said five elderly people were killed and homes set ablaze. The displaced fled.
| |
 
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Re: Eyes on darfur (Re: محمد حسن العمدة)
|
http://www.eyesondarfur.org/villages.html
Habile:
In August 2006, the United Nations refugee agency, UNHCR, moved Chadians driven out of their homes by the violence in south-eastern Chad away from the Goz Amir refugee camp, where they were staying in hope of receiving relief, to a new site at Habile - approximately 60 miles west of the border with Darfur.
The land was allocated to the displaced by the Chad government, but the move was organized by UNHCR. Most of the displaced walked the five miles between Goz Amir and Habile without assistance. Only the most vulnerable - the very old, very young and sick - had the benefit of transport. UN officials were surprised at the way the displaced settled into the new site even though they could see, right next to the site, a village that had been attacked and burned to the ground.
Today, however, the Habile displaced are beginning to leave the camp and move further inland, away from the border - fearful that the violence that is spreading across south-eastern Chad will soon target sites like theirs.
Already insecurity is nibbling the edges of the camp. UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador Mia Farrow visited the camp early in 2007 and spoke to three women who had been attacked in the surrounding fields at harvest-time. They told her they were now afraid to go into the fields to gather wood.
The displaced population of Habile today hovers around 10,000 – far higher than UNHCR ever imagined, even as a worst-case scenario.
"None of us envisaged that Habile would become the massive site it is now," said Matthew Conway, UNHCR Public Information officer in eastern Chad. "We envisaged, at most, two to three thousand people."
Size is not, however, the greatest problem confronting the relief officials who are trying to aid the Habile displaced. Security is.
After an attack on the villages of Tiero and Marena claimed more than 200 lives in March 2007, the Chadian government deployed large numbers of armed forces to the south-east of the country. Three weeks later, the forces were moved north towards Ade and Adre, two border towns thought to be threatened by Darfur-based Chadian rebels seeking to overthrow the government of President Idriss Deby. Behind them they left a security vacuum.
"We are very concerned about the population (in the Habile area) being left vulnerable once again," the UNHCR's Conway, said at the end of April 2007. "Three weeks after a massacre, a massive deployment fell by the wayside and people were left to their own devices again. We are very concerned. We feel it is only a matter of time before sites like Habile come under fire."
| |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Re: Eyes on darfur (Re: محمد حسن العمدة)
|
Silea:
The village of Silea in north-western Darfur is the seat of the Sultan of the Erenga tribe. The Erenga are a non-Arab tribe which has attempted to steer a neutral line between the government of Sudan and the rebel movements who launched an insurgency in 2003 to demand an end to government support for proxy Arab militias and to press demands for greater wealth- and power-sharing in the region.
Insecurity in north-western Darfur increased dramatically in the second half of 2006 as relations between Sudan and Chad deteriorated over support for each other's internal dissidents and Arab militiamen reportedly armed by the Sudan government launched a spate of attacks on non-Arab villages close to the border. Villagers displaced by the attacks said the assailants deliberately targeted children and the elderly.
In one such attack, at least 37 people were killed and 10 injured in December 2006 when Janjawid on horseback attacked a truck carrying passengers and medical supplies. The truck was travelling from Geneina, capital of West Darfur state, to the village of Sirba some 12 miles south of Silea. The Janjawid shot the truck driver dead before firing a rocket-propelled grenade at the truck, setting fire to fuel barrels inside. Many of the deaths came when the Janjawid opened fire on people as they fled.
A member of the African Union Mission in Sudan, Maj. Harry Soko, told the UN refugee agency UNHCR that security in the border area had been hurt by the presence of rebel groups and an intensification of Janjawid activity.
"Arab militias believed to be employed by the GoS (government of Sudan) ...roam freely in our area of responsibility, threatening and killing anybody against the interests of the government," Maj. Soko told Antonio Guterres, the visiting High Commissioner for Refugees. He said the militias were believed to be behind many crimes, ranging from banditry to rape. An AU police commander later told the same briefing that Sudanese police were not arresting these perpetrators.
Silea, on the main road north out of Geneina, is key to the control of the Erenga area which borders Chad, as it could provide a base for future cross-border attacks into Chad. In recent months, Silea's usual population of some 400-500 households has been swelled by displaced people fleeing from attacks on smaller villages accused by the Arab militias of being sympathetic to the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA)-one of the main Darfur rebel groups.
http://www.eyesondarfur.org/villages.html
| |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Re: Eyes on darfur (Re: محمد حسن العمدة)
|
Omar Hassan al-Bashir
Dear John Ukec Lueth Ukec - Ambassador
I am writing to bring to your attention the imminent danger facing the following villages and
towns in Darfur:
Malam al Hosh in North Darfur
Boldong in West Darfur
Bulbul in South Darfur
Sanam el Naga in South Darfur
Bir Dagig in West Darfur
Deleba in North Darfur
Hashaba in North Darfur
Kafod in North Darfur
Saraf Jidad in West Darfur
Silea in West Darfur
These villages and towns are at high risk of attack by Darfur armed opposition groups, Janjawid militia, and potentially the armed forces of Sudan. I implore you to protect the civilians of Sudan, and take all steps necessary to ensure these villages do not come under attack.
Additionally, I am writing out of concern for the Habile and Goz Amir camps in eastern Chad, both of which are very close to the Sudan border. These sites are at risk of attacks by Janjawid militia crossing over from Darfur and their Chadian allies. I further ask you to prevent militia who identify themselves as aligned with the Sudanese government from targeting civilians in Chad, and to take all necessary steps to disarm the Janjawid and prevent their incursions in Chad as you have committed to do in the past.
As you know, the insecurity facing these towns, villages, and camps for internally displaced persons and refugees is grave. Amnesty International has collected testimony and other documentation demonstrating the terrible effects of this vulnerability. Sudanese families have been displaced throughout Darfur, countless civilians have been killed, and the insecurity faced by humanitarian aid providers further threatens millions of civilians desperately dependent upon such aid.
Using new and public satellite technology, people all across the globe are watching these towns, villages, camps, and other sites throughout Darfur and Eastern Chad with grave concern for the well-being of the civilians caught in the middle of the conflict in Darfur. On behalf of these civilians, and on behalf of the concerned people across the globe who wish to see a secure and prosperous Sudan, I ask you to ensure the protection of these sites.
| |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Re: Eyes on darfur (Re: Tragie Mustafa)
|
تراجي
سلام
ونعم بالله
الان اتابع نشرة الاخبار بالجزيرة وورد مؤتمر صحفي لوزير النظام عن الداخلية بشير طه ردا على طلب المدعي العام بلاهاي تسليم احمد هرون وكشيب تحدث بمنتهى اللامسئولية طالبا من مجلس الامن القبض على من اشعلوا الحرب في العراق وافغانستان ؟؟
ما لم ينتبه له ( الوزير ) هو انه ضمنيا جرم مشعلي الحروب ومنها حرب دارفور وعليه وفقا لذلك تسليم المجرمين المتهمين ومواصلة مطالبه وربنا يقدرو
| |
|
|
|
|
|
|
| |
Tragie Mustafa
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست