إبراهيم في اسرائيل: اسرائيل كويسة

اين العرب
اين المسلمون
اين السودانيون
اين الانقاذ
انها الكارثة وام الكوارث
هل تركنالإبراهيم اي خيار آخر غير اسرائيل
هل تقبل الدول العربية لاجئين سودانيين مسلمين من دارفور
يقول ابراهيم ان اسرائيل كويسة ووفر له عمل في مزرعة بثلاثين دولار لليوم الا ان تجد له الامم المتحدة فرصة لاعادة التوطين في دولة اخرى
فهو من لاجيء دارفور ومن ضمن حوالي 500 لاجيء سوداني في اسرائيل
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Kibbutz Is Haven for Fleeing Sudanese
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Published: June 12, 2007

Filed at 1:44 p.m. ET

KIBBUTZ YAD HANNAH, Israel (AP) -- Five years after he fled his razed Darfur village, and after jail spells in three countries, Ibrahim has found refuge in an unlikely place: a kibbutz in Israel.

The 24-year-old Muslim is one of about 440 Sudanese refugees working in Israeli hotels and on farms while the government seeks to place them in a third country.

Most have fled southern Sudan, where a 22-year conflict left 2.5 million people dead. Others, like Ibrahim, are from Darfur, where a rebellion has cost more than 200,000 civilian lives and made 2.5 people homeless.

Ibrahim, 24, paused while weeding an avocado orchard on this kibbutz, or communal farm, in northern Israel and told his story. The U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees barred publication of his surname to protect his relatives in Darfur.

He said he fled five years ago to Khartoum, Sudan's capital, where the government imprisoned him for allegedly conspiring against it. After his release, he bribed his way into neighboring Egypt, and was arrested in Cairo. Once free again, he fled eastward with five others who paid a Bedouin to smuggle them into Israel. They feared police would shoot them.

''Then, thank God, we entered Israel and they welcomed us,'' he said.

At least temporarily. Israel has accepted refugees for decades, but the Sudanese pose a problem. Israeli law denies asylum to anyone from an ''enemy'' state, such as Sudan, a member of the Arab League, and imprisons them until a third country gives them asylum.

Picked up by border guards, Ibrahim found himself back in jail.

Between 1999 and 2005, about 55 Sudanese from Israel were resettled, mostly in Europe, according to the UNHCR. But resettling them gets harder as their numbers grow. Israel now has 550 Sudanese, twice as many as a year ago, the U.N. agency says. More than 100 are still in prison.

Their increasing number has resulted in longer prison stays -- and condemnation from inside Israel, where many still remember the Jews who perished in the Holocaust because no country would give them refuge.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Mark Regev said Sudan is known to have an al-Qaida presence. But refugees who are shown to pose no security risk may work in Israel while awaiting asylum elsewhere, Regev said.

After a year in Israeli prisons, Ibrahim was moved in March to Yad Hannah, a kibbutz of 300 people which has taken in 36 Sudanese. They earn about $37 a day for farm work and shop and cook for themselves, but are still considered prisoners and cannot leave without written permission.

Ibrahim said he feels isolated, because he speaks only Arabic and can't communicate with his kibbutz employers. But he does feel safe.

''Israel is nice,'' he said. ''No one will hit you in the street or yell at you. I had to come all this way before I could find someone to treat me this way.''

Kobi Danzon, who manages Yad Hannah's Sudanese, said the newcomers spent their first paychecks on cell phones to talk to Sudanese friends in Israel and overseas.

Over the years, the Palestinian uprising has deprived Israel of a source of cheap Arab labor, and migrants from Third World countries have flocked here to replace them. But Danzon said the Sudanese on his kibbutz were not regarded as replacements for Arab workers. He said the kibbutz still employs five Palestinians.

Some Israelis fear news of the work arrangement could encourage more Sudanese to enter Israel.

Michael Bavly of the UNHCR says the numbers already are increasing, with an estimated 100 new arrivals last month. ''I assume this is because they heard that they are not being arrested, that they are finding places to work and to stay,'' he said.

The Foreign Ministry's Regev emphasized the work program is temporary.

''Israel is willing to play her part in a multilateral solution,'' he said. ''But it cannot be the solution to the Sudanese refugee problem.''

Siegal Rozen of the Hotline for Migrant Workers, which pairs the Sudanese with employers, said that by claiming they ''are dangerous and may be al-Qaida,'' Israel may be discouraging other countries from giving them asylum.

Ibrahim said he'll stay go wherever he can find a permanent home, including Israel.

''All you can hope for is stability,'' he said. ''That you'll have opportunities, that you'll be able to work well and that no one will bother you or attack you. That's all I hope for.''

Ref:
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/world/AP-Kibbutznik-From-Darfur.html

UNHCR grapples with Sudanese refugees detained and excluded from asylum in Israel

Report provided by Tel Aviv University Refugee Rights Clinic*

Since April, UNHCR has been assessing the cases of Sudanese refugees who entered Israel from Egypt, with tentative plans to refer many of them for resettlement. In the process, UNHCR is trying to cope with Israel's policy of excluding "enemy nationals" from applying for asylum.
Sudanese refugees have been trickling into Israel from Egypt since at least summer 2004, but the rate of arrivals grew in the wake of the mass protests, killings and detentions of Sudanese in Cairo at the end of last year.
There were more than 200 Sudanese in Israel at the end of May, all arriving on foot over the desert, and nearly all detained indefinitely in Israeli jails. Refugees report lack of water during the journey and risks of getting lost in the desert. At least seven refugees, including one child, almost walked into a live fire exercise of the Israeli army.
Israel's exclusion and detention policy poses a major dilemma for UNHCR, which must choose whether to directly confront an illegal state policy that violates multiple international conventions.

The refugees detained in Israel come from all regions of Sudan, though those from Darfur have attracted the most attention in the media. Several survivors of Janjaweed attacks in Darfur have spent a year or more in Israeli prisons. Many Sudanese have been initially detained in remote army facilities, often unknown to human rights groups, UNHCR, and even civilian branches of the Israeli government.

After the intervention of the Tel Aviv University Refugee Rights Clinic, other Israeli human rights lawyers and UNHCR, a few Sudanese have been released on the condition that they remain inside kibbutzim (Israeli collective farms). UNHCR staff and human rights lawyers have helped a few women with small children to be relocated to shelters.

Exclusion by nationality

If these refugees were from nearly any other country, they would in most cases be released from detention and permitted to work in Israel. In most refugee cases, the Israeli Ministry of Interior conducts refugee status determination via an advisory committee known as the National Status Granting Board (NSGB). Under an arrangement in place since 2001, asylum-seekers apply to UNHCR, which interviews and assesses their cases before forwarding them to the NSGB. The NSGB then recommends a decision to the Minister of Interior.
Asylum-seekers in Israel are normally granted temporary work permits while their cases remain pending. Recognized refugees receive temporary residence permits that include full social security entitlements.

Yet, a provision of the Israeli asylum procedure excludes “enemy nationals” – a category that includes most Arab states, Iran and Sudan – from even applying. Known in the Israeli procedure as “Section 6,” the exclusion has no basis in any Israeli legislation, and is found only in unpublished administrative instructions issued by the Ministry of Justice.

Section 6 flies in the face of several bodies of international law. The Fourth Geneva Convention specifically prohibits states from applying enemy nationals rules to refugees fleeing persecution. The 1951 Refugee Convention contains a similar rule, and also requires states to protect refugees “without discrimination as to … country of origin.” The Convention the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination prohibits states from singling out specific nationalities of foreigners for disadvantage.

In the last few months, the State has invoked Israel’s draconian Infiltration Law in order to detain some Sudanese without a hearing. Previously, Sudanese were detained under the Entry to Israel law, which provides for regular review of their imprisonment by a specialized tribunal. The tribunal had ordered a few Sudanese released to kibbutzim when the state failed to produce any evidence showing they posed a security threat. The State responded by invoking the Infiltration Law, and thus avoiding judicial review.

The Refugee Rights Clinic has filed petitions in the Israeli High Court challenging application of the Infiltration Law, and in Tel Aviv Administrative Court demanding work permits for detained Sudanese.

Israeli cabinet ministers have recently proposed adopting a policy called "hot return" by which Sudanese caught at the border would be returned to Egypt within 24 hours, with no opportunity to meet lawyers, UNHCR or appeal to court. The Refugee Rights Clinic has written to the Minister of Interior to express concern that such returns would violate the principle of non-refoulement.

A switch to resettlement

Until the end of 2005, UNHCR hoped to negotiate an agreement by which Israel could safely return Sudanese refugees to Egypt. The killing of more than two dozen protestors outside UNHCR’s Cairo office and the subsequent mass detention of Sudanese refugees in Egypt dashed these plans, at least temporarily.

On 31 January, UNHCR headquarters in Geneva decided to send a consultant to Israel to conduct individual status determination of the Sudanese. According an official notation of the meeting, "those applicants who are found to be refugees … will be resettled by UNHCR."

The 31 January notation applies specifically only to 76 Sudanese who were already in Israel on that date. But by the time the consultant arrived in April, their numbers had more than doubled.

Individual refugee status determination may in the long run be a peripheral issue for the Sudanese in Israel. Sudan prohibits its citizens from travel to Israel and is reported to have executed two people who were returned from Israel via Jordan in the mid-1990s. As a result, all of the Sudanese have sur place claims to refugee status based simply on their entry to Israel.

A dilemma for UNHCR
Israel’s enemy nationals exclusion poses a challenge for UNHCR. Since 2001, UNHCR has undertaken to resettle enemy nationals from Israel, a compromise that facilitated Israel’s agreement to set up its own asylum system.

In the 31 January notation, UNHCR referred to its RSD and resettlement policy as a "one-off solution," and stated "UNHCR cannot endorse the systematic resettlement of refugees from so-called 'enemy countries' in Israel." Nevertheless, the prospect of resettlement could attract more Sudanese to make the dangerous journey across the Sinai into Israel.

|n official correspondence that has been submitted to court, UNHCR has limited itself to providing factual information about the Sudanese. UNHCR could file formal interventions with Israeli courts to oppose the enemy nationals rule, but it has not done so.





A fragile asylum system under strain

The Sudanese arrivals add to other concerns about UNHCR’s role in Israel. Although in form refugee status determination for non-enemy nationals is handled by the government, most of the work falls on UNHCR's tiny Jerusalem office, and backlogs have grown steadily.

Around 900 applications for asylum were filed in Israel in 2005. Less than 8 percent of applicants achieved any form of protection, most receiving only temporary protection. Only 9 applications were recognized as full Convention refugees. The Sudanese are effectively the largest group of refugees in Israel with bona fide refugee claims, but Israel has effectively transferred responsibility for handling them to the UN.
UNHCR’s Jerusalem office uses refugee status determination procedures that lack safeguards endorsed by UNHCR headquarters. UNHCR-Jerusalem has rejected some refugee applicants without even interviewing them. UNHCR-Jerusalem also refuses to allow applicants to bring lawyers to their RSD interviews, despite a September 2005 policy that accepts the right to counsel.



In addition, UNHCR’s Jerusalem office refuses to accept applications from Palestinians fleeing the occupied territories, arguing that they are excluded by nationality from refugee protection. There is in fact no such exclusion in international law. The Refugee Convention excludes only Palestinians who are “at present receiving” assistance from the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA).

In a 2002 interpretive note, UNHCR stated that the 1951 Refugee Convention can apply to a Palestinian who is “is outside UNRWA's area of operations” or if a person is ineligible for UNRWA registration. UNRWA does not operate inside Israel. Most Palestinians in the West Bank fall outside UNRWA’s mandate because their families were not displaced in 1948.

* American lawyer Michael Kagan is both RSDWatch.org’s website manager and an instructor at the Tel Aviv
University Refugee Rights Clinic

http://www.rsdwatch.org/index_files/Page2093.htm
.

المشكلة بدأت عام 2004
ولكن لماذا اسرائيل

سؤال يحتاج الى اجابة بحجم مشاكل السودان والعالم العربي

وطبعا إبراهيم شاب بسيط لا يتحدث بلغة الأيديولوجية ولا يعرفها وعندما سئل قال ان اسرائيل كويسة والناس يعاملونه بشكل جيد ومشكلته في اللغة حيث لا يتحدث غير العربية

وطبعا ترجمة كلمة Nice ب "كويسة" حسب تعبيره البسيط فهو لا يتحدث غير لغته الأم.
لكن دعونا نتأمل في الظاهرة وقد نقلت الموضوع هنا للتأمل في هذه الظاهرة الجديدة واتمنى ان تتم تحقيقات صحافية في الأمر لأنه لاول مرة يحدث هذا الامر في عهد الانقاذ ولماذا الآن ، والواضح أنه لا خيارات وخاصة بعد الصعوبات التي تواجه برنامج الامم المتحدة لاعادة التوطين في مصر وما حدث من مصر عندما سلمت الحكومة السودانية بعض المتسللين.
هناك حالة يأس ويبدو أن اسرائيل هي آخر الكي بالنسبة لهؤلاء فهم بسطاء يبحثون عن لقمة عيش ولا يهمهم من تكون اسرائيل في عيون العالم العربي الذي حرمهم من اي حق للجوء او ربما يكون الأمر نكاية في حكومتنا الرشيدة وفي الحكومات العربية التي لم تهتم باي لاجيء وذلك ارضاء للحكومة الرسمية في الخرطوم واهمال الحكومات الشعبية التي تتمثل في المعارضة، ولكن لابد من التأمل في الظاهرة وبكل ابعادها، هل لدارفور تأثير في ذلك؟ وهل ما حدث لاهلنا في دارفور جعل بعض ابناء الاقليم يبحثون عن الامن والسلامة وحتى لو كانت في اسرائيل عدوة العرب.
على اهل الانقاذ التأمل في هذه الظاهرة ليصلوا إلى نتائج منطقية بدلاً من المكابرة والعنتريات "العتبانية" نسبة للعتباني صاحب اكبر دعاية للانقاذ وذلك عبر "رأيه العام" التي يكتب فيها واخته، فارجو أن يتناول هذه الظاهرة بدلأ من المدح لحكومة ضالة تمثل نفسها ولا تمثل الشعب صاحب الطول الذي سوف يلحقهم في يوم من الايام.
انها لعنة الإنقاذ ايها السادة التي جعلت بعض ابناء وطننا يهاجرون لاسرائيل.

Quote: ووفر له عمل في مزرعة بثلاثين دولار لليوم

يعنى دا أكبر من الدخل اليومى لعربة (أمجاد) بحوالى نصف دخلها ( الأمجاد ) والإسم بين القوسين لا يتحدث عن غناء الأمة فى زمن مضى بل هى - للذين طال بهم البعد عن البلد - حل بديل للتاكسى سابقا والمصقود بها ضرب إمبراطورية التاكسى النافقة طيب الله ثراها . لكن هذا البديل مدعوم ومشفوع بدعم من البنوك فى أغلب الأحيان تكون عليها أقساط فتجد الشباب الذين يديرونها يسهرون الليالى بأبواب الأندية طمعا فى مشاوير وعندما يصبح الصبح تجدهم يستيقظون مع الديوك يطعون فى مشوار للميناء البرى أو (ملجة) الخضار

على كل حال ابراهيم يمكن أن يرسل لوالدته مصروفها الشهر الذى تعول به الأسرة . يمكن أن يعالج جده فى أرقى مستشفيات الوطن العزيز بهذا الدخل (الحلال) بعيد عن حقارة عساكر الحركة . وجباة الضرائب عن الكناتين والمطاعم وبعيدا عن الذين يمتلكون الخبرة العزيزة فى مطاردة ستات الشاى وتجارة (الهامش) وطالما الموضوع عن الهامش سيظهر معضلات كثيرة تعيدنا الى الدائرة الصلدة

العلاج - التعليم - الطعام - العدالة - حرية حق الكينونة - المهنية - المدنية - وعييييك

شكرا ود العجمى
المشكلة كبيرة ومعقدة وتحتاج لدراسة في جوانب مختلفة فالذهاب لاسرائيل من التابوهات المحرمة سياسيا ولا ادري اذا كانت محرمة دينيا