للتاريخ: أوراق سودانية في مجلية عالمية

فازت مجموعة من الباحثين السودانيين بنصيب الاسد في العدد الاخير من مجلة
http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~db=all~content=t777285704
و التي تصدر بالاشتراك بين جامعة جنوب افريقيا و مجموعة Taylor and Frcncis Group
المعروفة باسم Routledge. و قد صدر العدد بمناسبة مؤتمر الدراسات السودانية المنعقد مؤخرا
بجامعة جنوب افريقيا، بريتوريا. و قد شارك فيه فوق الستين باحثا من كل القارات من المهتمين
بالشان السوداني.
يحتوي الرابط اعلاه على عناوين الاوراق مع ملخصاتها، و بامكان الراغبين في الحصول على بعضها الاتصال بدار النشر كما هو
مبين بالموقع او بالمؤلفين

اعتذر عن الخطأ الاملائي في كلمة "مجلية" في عنوان البوست ، حيث ان الكلمة المقصودة هي "مجلة"

يقود هذا الرابط مباشرة الى صفحة عناوين الاوراق
http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~db=all~content=g927030603

Salam Dr. El-Sadig
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The role of language in negotiating power in the Sudan
Authors: El-Sadig Yahya Abdallah Ezzaa; Amir Mohammad Salih Libisb

Abstract
This article examines the role of language in negotiating power between Sudanese Arabists and Sudanese Africanists from a critical discourse analysis perspective (henceforth CDA). The aim is to demonstrate how extreme political discourse can jeopardise national unity. The article begins by summarising the basic tenets of the CDA theory and proceeds to examine Sudanese power-related discourse. Particularly, the article assumes both top-down and bottom-up approaches to analyse the discourses corresponding to the two groups, Sudanese Arabists and Sudanese Africanists. The top-down approach examines the discourse of the ruling Arab elites who have exclusive access to institutional discourse and communication. By contrast, although the Sudanese Africanist discourse was once considered illegal and could not be conveyed through public channels, in more modern times it has found the Internet, television and radio (among others) as avenues for dissemination. A number of socio-political groups, generally referred to as marginalised affiliations, are now initiating resistance discourse (henceforth RD) which goes hand in hand with their armed struggle against the ruling elites.
Keywords: Cenorthern elites; critical discourse analysis; critical linguistics; educational curricula; interdisciplinarity; language; language and power; resistance discourse; Sudanese Arabists; Sudanese Africanists

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الاخ العزيز/ محمد الحسن سليمان
شكرا على مروركم الكريم. كما اشكرك على فكرة نسخ المستخلصات ووضعها بالبورد تعميما للفائدة.
ساقوم بجلب باقي الملخصات قبل مغادرة الموضوع الى المكان الذي لا يمكن ارجاعه منه.

Between past, present and future: The Sudan's role as a middle-stream country
Author: Fadwa Rahman Ali Tahaa

Abstract
Extending over nearly one million square miles and being the biggest country in Africa in terms of geography, the Sudan occupies a middle position in the Nile Basin, between the upstream countries and Egypt. All of the Nile countries except Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi, are neighbours of the Sudan. Other Sudan non-riparian neighbours are the Central African Republic, Chad and Libya. The purpose of this article is to explain the factors related to the Nile waters that developed during the colonial period, the post-independence era and the present, that prevented the Sudan from playing a crucial central role in the Nile Basin. The article argues that the 1959 bilateral Nile Waters Agreement between the Sudan and Egypt, in addition to civil wars and the economic and political instability that the Sudan has witnessed since independence in January 1956, has prevented it from playing a crucial role as a middle-stream country. The article takes the form of a description of a historical process with analytical insights.
Keywords: Britain; colonialisation; Condominium; Egypt; Nile Basin; Nile Waters Agreement; oil; riparian countries; shared resources; the Sudan; treaties
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Institutional reform and political party engagement: Challenges to democratic transformation in post-CPA Sudan
Author: Abdel Salam Sidahmeda

Abstract
This article looks at the role of institutions and political parties as main agents of the democratisation process in the Sudan, following the signing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). A review of the historic weaknesses of intermittent democratic rule in the Sudan, since its independence in 1956 and through to the signing of the CPA, is offered. Those elements of the CPA critical to institutional reform and democratisation are identified and their implementation assessed, including the results of the CPA-mandated elections held in April 2010. The four principal political parties and their capacities to contribute to democratic transformation are analysed.
Keywords: April 2010 elections; Comprehensive Peace Agreement; democratic transition; Democratic Unionist Party (DUP); democratisation; hybrid regime; National Congress Party (NCP); political parties; Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM); the Sudan; Umma
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Affiliation: a University of Windsor, Canada


DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2010.500034
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Published in: International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity, Volume 5, Issue 1 June 2010 , pages 19 - 35
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Border battle line
Author: Douglas H. Johnsona

Abstract
The demarcation of a North-South boundary in the Sudan opens up the possibility of the creation of a new international border in Africa, following the outcome of the Southern Sudanese and Abyei Area referenda in 2011. The line of the proposed boundary runs through the grazing areas of numerous pastoralist peoples, and it is these peoples who will be most directly affected if the new border becomes the frontline between two states. In fact, pastoralists were mobilised to fight on either side of the boundary during both of Sudan's civil wars. This article looks at select areas of the North-South borderlands, particularly areas of shared rights, to analyse the potential impact of the new boundary. It looks at how overlapping rights claims were managed in the past, and goes on to analyse various peace-making efforts between border pastoralist peoples from the Condominium period until today. The article looks at the way the border issue has been dealt with in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, including the Abyei arbitration process, as an indicator of whether this border region will become the focus of continued conflict, whatever the 2011 referendum result.
Keywords: Abyei; Abyei Boundaries Commission; border demarcation; dominant and secondary rights; land rights; North-South boundary; pastoralism; Permanent Court of Arbitration; shared rights
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Affiliation: a Oxford, United Kingdom


DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2010.500035
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Published in: International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity, Volume 5, Issue 1 June 2010 , pages 36 - 47
Publication Frequency: 2 issues per year

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the questions of identity, territory and political destiny of the indigenous Nuba of the Sudan
Author: Guma Kunda Komey Kaloa

Abstract
The Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of 2005 was successful in ending the longest war in contemporary Africa. However, its implementation has been below the expectations of several communities, particularly in the war-torn regions of the Nuba Mountains, the Southern Blue Nile and the Abyei Area, widely referred to as 'contested', 'marginalised', 'transitional' areas or 'border territories'. While many interwoven causes were behind the eruption of the protracted civil wars in the Sudan (Elnur 2009; Johnson 2006; Khalid 1987), the political question of sub-national identities and their intrinsic link with specific territories (Murphy 1991; William and Smith 1993) is hypothesised here as a prime factor in extending the civil war into these three areas. Taking the Nuba and their claimed territory of the Nuba Mountains as an example, this article will, first, trace the political striving of the Nuba people and their shift from peaceful political movement to armed struggle; second, it will examine their political status during the peace negotiation process; and third, it will analyse their political responses to the outcome of the CPA and its impact on their future political choices in view of the April 2010 election results, and the projected right to self-determination for the people of Southern Sudan, to be exercised through the referenda in 2011.
Keywords: Abyei Area; Blue Nile; Comprehensive Peace Agreement; contested areas; indigenous people; Kordofan; New Sudan; Nuba; popular consultation; SPLM; sub-national identity; the Sudan
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Affiliation: a Juba University, the Sudan


DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2010.500030
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Published in: International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity, Volume 5, Issue 1 June 2010 , pages 48 - 64
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Contextualising the 'Responsibility to Protect' in Darfur
Author: Jide Martyns Okekea

Abstract
This article argues for a thorough contextual analysis based on understanding local, regional and international politico-economic linkages in the Sudan, in order to ground prospects of the 'Responsibility to Protect' (R2P) doctrine in the ongoing crisis in Darfur. The R2P framework was crystallised by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) in 2001. It was adapted and subsequently endorsed by United Nations (UN) member states during the 2005 UN World Summit. The R2P ostensibly provides normative benchmarks on how states should respond to the quadruple human rights violations of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. Indeed, there is debate on whether the prevailing crisis in Darfur constitutes a test case for the application of the R2P. However, such debate is misplaced on two grounds: first, it glosses over the inherent conceptual deficiencies of the R2P, as presently constituted. More importantly, such debate is primarily inspired by reactionary and externalising influences based on past international failings, like Rwanda (1994) and Bosnia (1993). Hence, it is argued that the starting point of analysing the Darfur crisis should be a thorough investigation of how local, regional and international politico-economic factors have historically worked in an orchestrated fashion to trigger and sustain the crisis in the Sudan. Knowledge and an understanding of such historical specificity is a requisite for determining the relevance of the R2P in Darfur. The R2P, as presently constituted and practised, does not address this gap.
Keywords: Crimes against humanity; Darfur; early warning; ethnic cleansing; genocide; human rights violations; humanitarian intervention; political economy and conflict; Responsibility to Protect; the Sudan; United Nations; war crimes
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Affiliation: a University of Leeds, United Kingdom


DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2010.500032
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Published in: International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity, Volume 5, Issue 1 June 2010 , pages 65 - 81
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