Response to Naeem Medhat El-Shurbagy’s Blog “Egypt’s Enemies in Sudan”

11:40 AM October, 03 2025

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Response to Naeem Medhat El-Shurbagy’s Blog “Egypt’s Enemies in Sudan”

I appreciate Naeem Medhat El-Shurbagy’s close reading of my writings in his blog “Egypt’s Enemies in Sudan”. However, I would like to clarify several points to prevent misinterpretations of my perspective.

1. On the Use of the Term “Invasion”
When I use the term “invasion” (غزو), it should not be understood narrowly as a conventional military occupation. Instead, I refer to a hybrid form of interference—political, military, economic, and media-driven—that erodes Sudan’s sovereignty. In today’s geopolitics, domination often occurs through dependency and proxy alignments rather than through formal annexation.

2. Historical Framing
My references to the 19th-century Turco-Egyptian conquest are not an anti-Egyptian polemic but an analytical framework. Patterns of unequal power relations have historically shaped Sudan-Egypt relations, and I argue that today’s dynamics—centered on Nile security, Red Sea influence, and countering Ethiopia—risk reproducing those imbalances.

3. Acknowledging Egypt’s Security Concerns
I recognize Egypt’s genuine concerns regarding the GERD, regional instability, and Islamist threats. Yet the issue lies in how these concerns translate into policies that constrain Sudan’s self-determination—for example, military assistance to one faction, diplomatic frameworks excluding civilians, or financial pressures tied to alignment with Cairo’s agenda.

4. On Sources and Evidence
It is correct that some of my references involve leaked reports. However, these are not used uncritically; they are triangulated with open-source materials and observable developments. In conflict situations, absolute verification is rare, but responsible journalism requires raising credible findings to public debate rather than silencing them.

5. Broader Aim of My Work
My writings are not a call for hostility between Sudan and Egypt. They are a call for a new relationship grounded in equality and sovereignty. Egypt has interests; Sudan has interests. A balanced framework must respect both sides. What I resist is the portrayal of Egypt as a “neutral mediator” while it acts as a partisan player. Naming this contradiction is essential for an honest dialogue.

Thus, my argument is not about demonizing Egypt, but about urging Sudanese society to guard against dependency and external domination. By framing current dynamics as a form of “invasion,” I highlight the erosion of Sudanese agency. The ultimate objective is to shift from Egypt seeing Sudan as a mere extension (امتداد جيوسياسي) to treating it as a sovereign partner.

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