Response to Naeem Medhat El-Shurbagy’s Blog “Egypt’s Enemies in Sudan”

11:40 AM October, 03 2025

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Response to Naeem Medhat El-Shurbagy’s Blog “Egypt’s Enemies in Sudan”

I appreciate Naeem Medhat El-Shurbagy’s close reading of my writings in his blog “Egypt’s Enemies in Sudan”. However, I would like to clarify several points to prevent misinterpretations of my perspective.

1. On the Use of the Term “Invasion”
When I use the term “invasion” (غزو), it should not be understood narrowly as a conventional military occupation. Instead, I refer to a hybrid form of interference—political, military, economic, and media-driven—that erodes Sudan’s sovereignty. In today’s geopolitics, domination often occurs through dependency and proxy alignments rather than through formal annexation.

2. Historical Framing
My references to the 19th-century Turco-Egyptian conquest are not an anti-Egyptian polemic but an analytical framework. Patterns of unequal power relations have historically shaped Sudan-Egypt relations, and I argue that today’s dynamics—centered on Nile security, Red Sea influence, and countering Ethiopia—risk reproducing those imbalances.

3. Acknowledging Egypt’s Security Concerns
I recognize Egypt’s genuine concerns regarding the GERD, regional instability, and Islamist threats. Yet the issue lies in how these concerns translate into policies that constrain Sudan’s self-determination—for example, military assistance to one faction, diplomatic frameworks excluding civilians, or financial pressures tied to alignment with Cairo’s agenda.

4. On Sources and Evidence
It is correct that some of my references involve leaked reports. However, these are not used uncritically; they are triangulated with open-source materials and observable developments. In conflict situations, absolute verification is rare, but responsible journalism requires raising credible findings to public debate rather than silencing them.

5. Broader Aim of My Work
My writings are not a call for hostility between Sudan and Egypt. They are a call for a new relationship grounded in equality and sovereignty. Egypt has interests; Sudan has interests. A balanced framework must respect both sides. What I resist is the portrayal of Egypt as a “neutral mediator” while it acts as a partisan player. Naming this contradiction is essential for an honest dialogue.

Thus, my argument is not about demonizing Egypt, but about urging Sudanese society to guard against dependency and external domination. By framing current dynamics as a form of “invasion,” I highlight the erosion of Sudanese agency. The ultimate objective is to shift from Egypt seeing Sudan as a mere extension (امتداد جيوسياسي) to treating it as a sovereign partner.

Introduction to Dr. Zuhair Osman HamadDr. Zuhair Osman Hamad (commonly referred to as Zuhair Osman Hamad) is a prominent Sudanese journalist, columnist, and commentator based in Khartoum, Sudan. He contributes regularly to Sudanese media outlets such as Al-Rakoba (الراكوبة) and Sudanile (سودانايل), where he writes on political analysis, media ethics, regional geopolitics, and Sudanese identity. While not explicitly titled "Dr." in all sources, his analytical depth and references to scholarly discourse suggest academic credentials or recognition in journalistic circles. His writings often blend historical context with contemporary critique, emphasizing Sudanese sovereignty amid internal conflicts and external interferences. Hamad's style is polemical yet structured, using rhetorical questions and evidence from leaked documents or media reports to challenge power structures.His works on Egyptian involvement in Sudan—framed as a modern "invasion" or interference in Sudanese lands—focus primarily on the post-2023 civil war era, linking current dynamics to historical precedents like the 19th-century Turco-Egyptian conquest. Below, I analyze key writings available on Sudanese websites, drawing from articles published in 2025. These pieces critique Egypt's role not as a benevolent neighbor but as a strategic actor prioritizing Nile water security, regional dominance, and containment of Islamist or democratic threats.Key Writings AnalyzedHamad's relevant articles are opinion pieces rather than formal treatises, published amid Sudan's ongoing conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF). They appear on Sudanese platforms like Al-Rakoba, which host independent journalism. Here are the primary texts:"الوساطة المزعومة: مصر طرفٌ لا وسيط في الأزمة السودانية" (The Alleged Mediation: Egypt Is a Party, Not a Mediator in the Sudanese Crisis) Publication: Al-Rakoba, July 29, 2025. Core Thesis: Egypt's professed neutrality in mediating Sudan's war is a facade for direct intervention, amounting to an "invasion" of Sudanese sovereignty through military, economic, and political means. Hamad argues this echoes historical Egyptian expansions but manifests today as proxy support for the SAF to secure Egyptian interests. "السياسة المصرية تجاه السودان: احتواء أم دعم مشروط؟" (Egyptian Policy Towards Sudan: Containment or Conditional Support؟) Publication: Al-Rakoba, February 25, 2025. Core Thesis: Egypt's engagement is containment disguised as support—conditional on Sudan's alignment with Cairo's agenda, particularly in water disputes and anti-Islamist strategies. Hamad portrays this as interference that undermines Sudanese self-determination, with implicit nods to territorial encroachments. Other related pieces, such as "مآلات السودان في مستقبل الأيام ما بين الوحدة والتقسيم" (Sudan's Outcomes: Between Unity and Division, February 23, 2025), touch on Egyptian roles in potential balkanization but are less focused on "invasion" per se.Analysis of Positions on Egyptian "Invasion" in Sudanese LandsHamad's writings position Egyptian actions as a multifaceted "invasion" (غزو)—not literal military occupation but a hybrid interference blending historical imperialism with modern geopolitics. He substantiates claims with references to leaked documents, media reports, and historical analogies, urging Sudanese civil society to resist. Below is a structured breakdown:1. Historical Framing: Echoes of 19th-Century ConquestHamad invokes the Turco-Egyptian invasion of 1820 under Muhammad Ali Pasha, which annexed Sudan for gold, slaves, and Nile control, leading to the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium (1899–1956). He argues current policies revive this legacy: Egypt views Sudan as an "extension" (امتداد جيوسياسي) rather than a sovereign equal. Critique: This framing politicizes history to delegitimize Egypt's mediation claims. Hamad warns that, like the condominium era, modern involvement risks partitioning Sudan (e.g., supporting "Darfur Sages Council" initiatives that could detach regions). Evidence Used: Allusions to unresolved border issues, such as Egypt's 2016 handover of Tiran and Sanafir islands to Saudi Arabia without Sudanese input, implying disregard for Nile-adjacent territories. 2. Military Interference: Direct Support as "Invasion"Position: Egypt's arms shipments via Port Sudan and intelligence coordination with SAF generals constitute an "occupation" of Sudanese decision-making. Hamad cites "Sudan Tribune" leaks showing Egyptian weapons bolstering SAF against RSF, framing this as enabling Egyptian bases (e.g., proposed facility in Wadi Halfa for "water protection"). Critique: This support prolongs the war, prioritizing Egyptian security (e.g., countering Ethiopian influence) over Sudanese lives. Hamad calls it "بنيوي" (structural) involvement, not aid. Implications: Risks Sudanese territorial integrity, as Egyptian presence could evolve into de facto control over northern borders. 3. Political and Diplomatic Meddling: Undermining SovereigntyPosition: Egypt pressures Sudan on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), protesting UN-filed Sudanese-Ethiopian talks and pushing unilateral deals. Hamad accuses Cairo of excluding civilians (e.g., labeling resistance committees "terrorists") and funding pro-SAF Islamists via the "Cairo Initiative." Critique: This is "ahتواء" (containment)—supporting military rule to suppress democracy, fearing a Sudanese model could inspire Egyptian unrest. Arrests of 17 Sudanese activists in Cairo (June 2025) exemplify repressive "invasion" of diaspora spaces. Evidence Used: Reports of $3.7 million from Egypt's National Bank to pro-military parties; Egyptian media (e.g., Al-Mohwar channel) discrediting revolutionaries. 4. Economic and Media Dimensions: Soft InvasionPosition: Economic aid (e.g., reconstruction loans) is conditional, tied to anti-RSF alignment. Media campaigns by Egyptian outlets promote SAF legitimacy while demonizing opponents. Critique: This creates dependency, turning Sudan into a "buffer zone" for Red Sea security and Nile rights. Hamad sees it as neocolonialism, contrasting with Egypt's public unity rhetoric. Implications: Erodes Sudanese agency, fostering division (e.g., northern alignment with Egypt vs. southern autonomy). Aspect of "Invasion" Hamad's Key Claim Substantiation Broader Implication for Sudan Military Arms and bases as proxy occupation Leaked docs on Port Sudan shipments; Wadi Halfa base plans Prolongs war, risks northern annexation Political Pressure on GERD; exclusion of civilians UN protests; Cairo Initiative funding Undermines democracy, enables partition Economic Conditional aid for alignment $3.7M to pro-SAF groups; reconstruction tied to military Creates dependency, stifles self-determination Media/Repressive Propaganda and activist arrests Egyptian channels' campaigns; June 2025 detentions Silences dissent, invades diaspora spaces 5. Overall Tone and Rhetorical StrategyTone: Urgent and accusatory, blending outrage with analytical restraint. Hamad uses metaphors (e.g., Sudan as "geopolitical extension") to evoke historical trauma without descending into xenophobia. Strategy: Appeals to Sudanese nationalists, calling for international exposure of Egypt's role and boycotts of its initiatives. He contrasts Egypt's actions with "principles" (مبادئ), positioning civilians as vanguards against a "triangle" of military, Islamists, and Cairo. Strengths: Evidence-based (leaks, reports), timely amid 2025 escalations; promotes unity. Limitations: Relies on unverified leaks; risks oversimplifying Egypt's motives (e.g., genuine security fears from GERD). No explicit solutions beyond resistance. Conclusion: Implications for Sudanese DiscourseHamad's writings portray Egyptian "invasion" as a existential threat to Sudanese unity, urging a paradigm shift from victimhood to agency. In the context of Sudan's 2023–present civil war (with over 150,000 deaths and 14 million displaced), his analysis highlights how external powers exacerbate fragmentation. By linking past conquests to present interferences, Hamad contributes to a burgeoning Sudanese narrative of anti-imperial resistance, influencing civil society and media. For deeper reading, his articles on Al-Rakoba exemplify accessible, impactful journalism amid crisis. If specific texts or further historical ties are needed, additional Sudanese archives (e.g., Sudanile) could yield more.