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Siyad bare regime and the first statement of Mogadishu by Khalid Hassan Yusuf

06-22-2020, 07:32 PM
خالد حسن يوسف
<aخالد حسن يوسف
Registered: 01-20-2020
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Siyad bare regime and the first statement of Mogadishu by Khalid Hassan Yusuf

    07:32 PM June, 22 2020

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    In light of the deteriorating reality at various levels, a state of public discontent was launched among the Somalis since 1989, as this historic turning point became the moment when political congestion prevailed in all of Somalia, and consequently, its resonance also affected the cohesion of the ruling regime’s circle, so was the rebellion of Colonel Ahmed Omar Jees and Colonel Bashir Ali Salad, the establishment of the Somali nationalist movement (Ogaden) and the establishment of the United Somali Congress (Hawiye). The matter also included the movement of ministers in the government, who are the Minister of Interior Mohamed Abdullah Baadley and Minister of Tourism Adam Abdullah Nour, who were arrested against the background of the political opposition in 1989.

    These general circumstances and the weak cohesion of the regime due to political differences and regional and tribal tensions in its circles, pushed him to maneuver to try to save the rest of his existence, which prompted him in the beginning of 1990 to appoint "the government headed by Mohamad Ali Samater, who did not exceed several months old, and defeated Its young technocrat membership, and it was expected that it would conduct a dialogue with notables who had assigned themselves the responsibility to raise useful visions to save society and the homeland, to President Mohamed Siyad Bare. ”(1) Alongside the ministers of the ruling Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party, this measure constituted recognition of the regime's failure of its traditional leadership to lead The country at all levels.

    This political move, represented by appointing that government, was accompanied by its communication with public activities and notables to formulate general visions to save the country, but those attempts were not made quickly, so the movement of 110 personalities issued the first Mogadishu statement on May 15, 1990, thus changing the general political scene, when a hair was cut Communicating with the regime, and heading to form a parallel mechanism for it, as the Mogadishu Manifesto members became an opposition political force, as confirmed by its statements in 1990 and translated on the ground in 1991-1992.
    “They were supposed to send a 6-page statement, and he touched on the difficult situation the country was going through at that time, how to save, and they sent it to President Mohamed Siyad Bare.” (2)

    The statement stopped before 5 issues that were the basis of the main dilemmas that existed, which are the security, political and economic situation of the country, and the statement contained fundamental issues which are civil war, security deterioration, infringement of human rights, mismanagement of the state, economic collapse. (3) To President Mohamed Siayd Bare and not to Prime Minister Mohamed Hawadle Mader, and that measure was a message from the opposition negotiating with the head of the regime directly and in isolation from the government that did not have the political decision, but that led to cutting the thread of communication with the government that the Bayan group could have Rapprochement with her politically, the exchange of roles, and pressure together on the decision-making center, and by that measure failed to create a separating space between the government and the regime represented by the presidency, the ruling party, and military leaders, and maneuvering in that context.

    While the Samater government found, despite its full age, an opportunity to communicate with notables, this was not possible for the Madre government that followed, which issued the statement with its beginnings.
    The personalities involved in the adoption of the first Mogadishu statement included ancient politicians, most notably the former Somali President Adam Abdullah Osman, a former Speaker of Parliament Sheikh Mohamed Mukhtar, and former ministers who are Ismail Jemale Osable, Osman Ahmed Roble, Dr. Mahamoud Sheikh Ahmed, former head of the Supreme Court, Dr. Mohamed Rajis Ahmed is a former deputy, Major General Mohamed Abshir Musa, a former commander of the police forces, Abdullah Mohamed a former commander of the police forces, Ali Shido Abdi, deputy head of the ruling and deposed party in 1969, diplomats, businessmen, traditional leaders, clerics and others.

    The most prominent of these were the ones who overthrew the October 21, 1969 coup, their political system, especially those belonging to the Somali Youth University, which was established in its early beginnings as a revolutionary national party in 1943 under the name of the Somali Youth Club. The party's march continued for 17 years as a revolution against foreign occupation of Somali lands, and as an authority Politicians for 9 years, their journey culminated in the military coup against their ruling party, and they did not find at that time popular sympathy for their rule due to the decline in the party's role and the deterioration of its political performance.

    Their promulgation bet on the statement that the people complained of the rule of the regime and its transgressions at various levels, and this coincided in the absence of senior politicians distinguished by patriotism, so the absence of the alternative was a gateway to the forefront of these old faces, and its return to the political theater again.

    The paradox is their unsuccessful choices, such as issuing the statement on 15 May 1990, knowing that this day coincides with the anniversary of the founding of their party in 1943, and the number of members of the preparatory committee assigned by the Mogadishu First Statement Group, in order to prepare for the reconciliation conference, is 13 with the number of members The founding committee of the Somali Youth Club in 1943!
    The statement also included a number of businessmen associated with the political opposition, such as the former deputy Ali Mahdi Mohamed, and Hashi Waheliye Malen, who are associated with the United Somali Congress (Hawiye), Haji Jerde Hussein Dualeh associated with the Somali National Movement (Ishaqiya), Jarad Abdul-Ghani Jarad, a collector of traditional leadership for the clans Farah Jarad (Dhulbahante tribe) and a political opponent who was close to the movement, Abdi Mahmoud Amin, a former executive committee member of the Somali Democratic Liberation Front(a Marxist trend that was linked to Ethiopia).

    The bottom line is that many of the signatories of the statement were direct political opponents of the regime of the ruler at the time, and for that they did not succeed even in choosing the fifteenth day of May in which they issued their statement, and the significance of determining the number of members of the preparatory committee for the reconciliation conference was in turn a condemnation of their performance, not to mention the lack of involvement of the government in The membership of the committee, especially that this was a necessity due to several considerations, including being a state and a political party in reconciliation as stated in the statement, its control over the capabilities that were required by national unity and reconciliation, instead that the preparatory committee that ran the scene, its membership is issued by former politicians Representatives in the statement group!
    Thus, the statement dropped the concept of political partnership and reconciliation together, and they did not enrich the government headed by Mohamed Hawadle, who did not enter a partnership, as it was skipped and direct communication with the President of the Republic Mohamed Siyad Bare, despite their knowledge of their poor relationship with his regime, which was embodied in their political statement.

    At that point, they blocked the path to the government with which he was supposed to find a rapprochement, especially since her appointment had come against the background of trying to make changes in the country’s situation, and an extension to the recent Samter government that started since February 1, 1990 and lasted for a few months, and this was an indication of response by the regime to a situation The boiling that prevailed in the country, despite it being a tactical measure and not a strategic one, especially since one of the most prominent ancient faces of a regime that was excluded from the prime minister in favor of a politician did not have any flaws from the street.

    There were no mechanisms for Manifestos group at the street level, which could be moved responsibly and organized, not political parties or trade union organizations. These figures were elitist and did not establish a public action or mass struggle, some of which were remnants of the old political system and the other part was part of the machinery of the Siad Barre system And, which monopolized some mass organizations, and the most prominent of these elites have hesitated for many years to the regime's prisons, and they have not had general political demands and programs that have stood behind them since he seized power in 1969.

    The drafting of the statement was not exclusive to the complaint about the reality reached by the state, but rather focused on overthrowing the regime and calling for it to step down, as it was called upon to dismantle its legislative and security apparatus, give up control of the armed forces, limit the role of the ruling party, and reformulate the laws and regulations in force, which are issues It required that they be left to the upcoming reconciliation and transitional authority conference, and the result is that they confused their political choice with the issue of reconciliation in one square!
    They could not distinguish between their role as leaders of reconciliation and the fact that many of them represented the political rivalry with the regime.

    It was advisable to postpone the direct call to demand a change in the systems through which the regime took control of society and the state, and leave broadcasts on them until the date of the reconciliation conference, and their performance did not focus on the context of a common encounter with the regime, despite the validity of what was stated in their statement on the conditions of the country, approximately 21 Years of rule.

    Other than that, they did not directly and with great impetus to involve the countries mentioned in their statement, namely Djibouti, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Italy, in order to push the regime to meet the initiative of reconciliation and dealing with the statement group, before further deterioration occurred, especially since the most prominent of these countries were linked Great political relations with the regime.

    The regional and tribal political opposition, which was taken from Ethiopia as a base, was not mentioned in their statement, although it was part of the country's problem, some of them were part of it, that background added to the political burden added to the regime and its feeling that they were coordinating together and seeking to besiege it jointly, while they avoided engaging The extremist religious trend, which had a great presence in the street, to flirt with the outside world, and the paradox in their exclusion of the participation of Somali women, who make up the largest part of society, except that the majority of these figures represented the traditional social force that was historically established for tribal quotas, and their lack Visions of the level of a country suffering from major dilemmas.

    In 1982, 7 senior politicians who held ministerial positions tried to remove the head of the regime, through a political rebellion, that procedure was practical especially since it came from within the circle of the system, but they ended up in prison, while Mogadishu's first statement was a scheme of contradictions and the inclusion of figures whose political intentions differed Between the leaders of the statement and those who wanted to settle their scores with the regime, in exchange for others who rode the wave of opposition due to their disapproval of the reality that the country has reached, and for this reason the statement's statement was unsuccessful.

    As for a system, it exhausted maneuvering opportunities and had nothing to add to the country, as it had the opportunity to carry out general reforms, but it did not represent you the political will to make change, create a democratic transition, its unwillingness to a real multi-party pluralism, and consecrate the reality of freedoms, and the outcome you reached Somalia is the absence of the national and democratic political alternative, and the loss between an authority and the opposition pincers are similar to each other.

    Khalid Hassan Yusuf

    Margins:
    1- Dr. Mohamed Sheikh Ali Dodishe, article entitled May 15, 1990: the day the President made a mistake, published on May 14, 2020, http://http://www.wardheernewswww.wardheernews com
    2- Previous source.
    3- Previous source.
































                  

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