Challenges Facing the President by Ismail Abdallah

11:16 PM February, 22 2026

Sudanese Online
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The latter half of the last century and the first quarter of this one, have not witnessed a Sudanese politician or military leader who has garnered such widespread popular acceptance as President Dagalo. The meeting with the Sudanese community in Uganda was a true referendum on this man by the Sudanese people. As most analysts and observers agree, honesty, integrity, and the courage to speak the truth are the main factors that have shaped this leader's charisma. However, great leaders are often defeated from within, as we have seen with Che Guevara and Gaddafi. The point that the President addressed, and which many overlooked, is, despite its apparent insignificance, the core of the flaw that has afflicted the institution. This point is the failure to heed his directives to issue successive statements after each session of the Jeddah negotiations. His advisor, Fares Al-Nour, has been delaying the release of statements explaining the course of the negotiations to the Sudanese people moment by moment, despite being the one responsible for negotiating, ending the war, and enjoying peace and stability. This black mark is placed on the forehead of the President's advisory body, and opens the door wide to reviewing the performance of everyone, who offered advice that contradicted his wishes. The Sudanese people aspire to this, but the president faces enormous challenges, the first of which is reshuffling his team and purging it of remnants of the old regime. Then there's the task of anticipating the new phase, which, according to US Presidential Advisor for Africa and the Middle East, Massad Boulos, will leave no place for the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan's future governance.
One of the president's weaknesses is his excessive leniency, as our Bedouin people in the desert say, "An affectionate man has a p...", This is the only quality that might detract from the effectiveness of this exceptionally charismatic leader. His retention of a small number of inactive advisors and media officials has led to an internal blackout that conceals facts which, if revealed, would have raised the “TASIS” profile. But as long as the likes of Fares Al-Nour remain stuck in the departments of writing, media, consulting, and logistics, this will have a negative impact on all levels. The issue is not about the tribes of Attia, Himad, Salam, and Rashid Al-Walad, just as it is not the sole concern of the tribe of Jumaan Al-Awaisi. This is the issue of all Sudanese people, and it should not be monopolized by those close to them, nor should only those closest to them pursue it. The state is not run by cousins. This broad mosaic that gathered in Uganda few days back, reflected the Sudanese people's love for the new founding leadership (TASIS), which was enjoyed by the founding team that was fortunate to have the elder statesman of the struggle and the principled man, Abdul Aziz Adam Al-Hilu. This is a qualitative addition to “TASIS” alliance. And with it, the leadership of the East, represented by Mubarak Salim, this vast diversity must be seen through a truly foundational lens, not as an echo of the Muslims Brotherhood vision, that bequeathed us the fervor of pre-Islamic ignorance and tribalism. Let us be loyal to the nascent state born from the ethnic exclusion of the old regime, and let us distance ourselves from following the path of Muslims Brotherhood racists, Dr. Nafi Ali Nafi, Mr. Ali Osman, and the presidential uncle.
The greatest challenge is the democratic civilian transition. It has become clear that Sudan will not be ruled by the military after the ceasefire, the cessation of hostilities, and the transitional arrangements. To avoid a situation where "Sumud" (steadfastness) is merely a tool for establishing a new order, and "TASIS" (establishment) is merely a tool for steadfastness on the battlefield, the civilian founders and their intellectuals must also engage with the challenge of civil action. Their counterpart, "Sumud," has already made significant strides in this area, engaging with European parliaments and relevant international bodies. The civilian components that form the foundational framework should not simply echo the president, who enjoys popular support. They must make their mark independently of the leader's pronouncements. They are the force the revolutionaries have placed their bets on. For example, the United Civil Forces "UCF" alliance could launch trips to African and Arab countries, as could the Democratic Civil Transition movement. The same applies to all other major founding components. To avoid being labeled as merely a fighter while others rule and govern, we must move beyond the charisma of a single individual. We must extend our political parties and civil organizations to neighboring and distant countries. Politics is not just about... Criticism that roams the spaces and liberates them from the grip of enemies, but it is the application of thought, the organization of people, and the employment of effort leading to the achievement of major goals. In this regard, I suggest to the civil movement to establish a think tank that brings together thinkers who believe in the cause to benefit with the essence of their ideas.

Ismail Abdallah
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