هل صحيح أن حكومة الجنوب ( سلفا ) تبرع/ت بمليون دولار لكينيا ؟؟؟‍!!!!!

Salva Kiir Made Irresponsible Donation
06/03/2006
G. Buay Reath
Salva Kiir Made Irresponsible Donation
Press Release

South Sudan Democratic Forum

March 2, 2006

The people of South Sudan are shocked by the donation of $1million dollars made by the government of South Sudan to Kenya’s National Famine kitty. The decision shocks every reasonable human being except the members of infamous “Gogrial kitchen cabinet”.

It is now clear to rational individuals that Salva Kiir is an accidental president of South Sudan who was not democratically elected. There are compelling reasons why he has failed the suffering people of the South by donating $1 million dollars to Kenya.

First of all, Kenya has the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of $3 billion dollars a year. It is capable of handling famine without outside help. Moreover, it is capable of asking for help from affluent Western countries to fight acute famine instead to accept donation from South Sudan.

Secondly, seventy eight people died this week from cholera caused by unclean water in greater Equatoria. In Juba, which is the capital city of the South, there are people sleeping outside without shelters and any sustenance. In addition to that, the South Sudan civil servants, including ministers of the government of South Sudan (GoSS), have no houses. It’s unfathomable that a President of the most devastated region in the world could donate a million dollar to a country that is supposed to donate to the South.

Thirdly, it’s a common knowledge to all South Sudanese, including the international community, that ten South Sudan States do not have equipments to run the administration of governance. Items like tables, chairs and pens are difficult to get due to lack of money to buy them. Last year, the South Sudan parliament passed a budget of only $35 million dollars with an assumption that the National Congress Party of President Bashir was not willing to abide by Power-sharing protocol. It’s somebody who lost touch with reality who should donate a million dollar to a foreign country, which has been independent for more than four decades.

Fourthly, the SPLA men and women who fought the war for twenty two years have not been paid. The explanation for the failure to pay the SPLA has been attributed to lack of money. Yet the same South Sudan government that is crying to international community for help is donating millions of dollars to a foreign country.

The South Sudan Democratic Forum is calling on international community to take serious measures against Salva Kiir. Although the GoSS is a coalition government of many parties, the SPLM Party, which controls 70% of power, should be held accountable for such an irresponsible leadership. It’s immoral for Salva Kiir to donate money to Kenyans who are hit by drought while people are dying in South Sudan due to Cholera and lack of food. Donating a million dollar to an affluent country like Kenya is not an act of charity but unforgivable foolishness and lack of sensitivity to public suffering.

The donor nations need to be reminded by Kiir’s immoral decision and accept the fact that the SPLM leadership is immersed in corruption. “The Gogrial kitchen cabinet” that decided to donate money to Kenya was motivated by self-interest rather than an act of charity. The SPLM leaders have businesses in Kenya. Donating money to President Mwai Kibaki, who fails to curb corruption in Kenya, is a form of bribery to secure the safety of individual businesses owned by SPLM leaders.

The South Sudan Democratic Forum has made it clear that SPLM is not fit to govern the South because its leaders are corrupt and do not have a vision to tackle abject poverty in the South. The international community needs to acknowledge that SPLM is another Fatah Movement whose program is to steal little money the international community donates to South Sudan for development. The SPLM leaders have bought villas in Nairobi with the money embezzled from international funds allocated for South Sudan recovery.

It’s high time the international community set up a corruption body that will audit South Sudan government finances every year. The donors should not just give money to South Sudan government without making sure where the money will go. Without international financial auditing, some SPLM leaders would soon become millionaires. Late Dr. Garang was paying his life insurance for fifteen years in Uganda with money stolen from international donors. It’s reported that Dr. Garang’s life insurance was worth $23 million dollars when he accidentally died. One does not need to be a rocket scientist to know that the money for his life insurance came from the money given to South Sudan for relief and rehabilitation purposes. Most rebel leaders do not get salaries in the bush while fighting the government. The money for life insurance might have come from another source.

The South Sudan parliament must also investigate the allegation that the Government of National Unity (GONU) wired $100 million dollars to SPLM Party in 2005. That money was deposited in the SPLM bank account in Nairobi. Salva Kiir told South Sudan parliament in November 2005 that the central government of Sudan gave only $35 million dollars to South Sudan government. President Bashir contradicted his statement when he visited South Sudan capital, Juba.

It’s also questionable why the money of South Sudan government should be deposited in the SPLM bank account rather than South Sudan National Bank. Although the minister of Finance in Khartoum stated that South Sudan received more than $100 million, Arthur Akuen, the minister of Finance and Economy of the GoSS, has never made any public statement denying or confirming the allegation. The Democratic Forum’s investigation confirmed the allegation of Minister of Finance in Khartoum.

The South Sudan government is already engaged in corruption before its first anniversary. One needs to go to Juba to see SPLM leadership spending $200 dollars a night in Tent hotels while the government departments do not have tables and chairs to set up the ministries. As soon as the South Sudan parliament begins work this month, there is a possibility that most of SPLM leadership will face criminal charges for corruption.

It’s very sad that the people of South Sudan are fighting three enemies: poverty, corruption and lack of political leadership. If Salva Kiir thinks that South Sudan is rich enough to donate money to Kenya, there is no need for international community to donate money to South Sudan. It is mind-boggling that a beggar who cries for help from international community can also become a donor to a country which is part of a donors’ community. Kiir’s irresponsible behaviour would not only discourage donors but also calls into question his state of mind.

G. Buay Reath

Chairman of South Sudan Democratic Forum-Canada

Tel. (613)260-9307

Email:[email protected]
http://www.gurtong.org/ResourceCenter/editorscorner/eda...p?editorsitem_id=158

Dear al-Omda
We all know South Sudan needs every cent to spend on education health etc. However, Kenya is a neighbor as poor as the Sudan, but for over 25 five years it has hosted and is still hosting over a million southern Sudan refugee population in Kakuma Refugee Camp. During those years it has provided education and health care to the few educated southerners. Contributing one million dollars to Kenya, which is experiencing the worst draught in its history, answers to the African tradition of sharing whatever little you can afford with your neighbor. I do not think a million dollar is going to solve the problems of Kenya, nor will it make the donors unhappy, on the contrary it will make them appreciate the GOSS for its feelings towards their suffering neighbor.

الاخ العريس ود العمدة
لك التحية

أتفق مع ما قاله الآخ شارلس دينق
فبالنظر إلى ما فعلته كينيا للأخوة في جنوب السودان من استضافة
للاجئين واحتضان وخدمات طوال هذه السنين.
لا أعتقد أن مليون دولار يساوي شيئا، كما انه يعتبر نوع من التقدير
ورد الجميل لكينيا من حكومة الجنوب وهدية رمزية لا تقدم ولا تأخر.

أضف إلى ذلك أن من يعترضون يقولون أن مواطن الجنوب يعاني وهو
أحوج لهذا المبلغ.
ولكن الأمور في هذه الأحوال لا تقاس بهذه الطريقة. أبدا.
فالمردود الذي سيأتي به التبرع بمليون دولار لكينيا سيكون
أكبر بكثير منه إذا تم صرف هذا المبلغ على المحتاجين.
الكثير من الاعتراضات تأتي في مثل هذه الظروف
ويشير المعترض إلى أن هذا المبلغ لو صرف في المكان الفلاني
لكان أفضل.
أنا شخصيا كنت ممن يقولون بهذا الرأي في مرحلة ما.
ولكن بعدها علمت أن رؤيتي للأمور تختلف عن رؤية من يتصرف
مثل هذا التصرف، وعلمتني التجارب أن العائد المتأخر أو البطئ
يفوق بمراحل ما نجنيه سريعا بصرف مبلغ ما لا يسد الحوجة ولا يقدم
ولا يؤخر.

ولك التقدير

Brother Ageed
At least we found a cause on which you and me agree. Thanks a lot.

Dear brother Deng
If we seek for causes which we are all agree in, I’ am very sure we will find more & more.
Thanks to you

‮ ‬لا تعليق ‮
‬في‮ ‬الوقت الذي‮ ‬تطالب فيه أمهات ضحايا اللاجئين السودانيين بمصر ربيكا بحث الحكومة المصرية على ايضاح الحقائق حول الاحداث وتقديم المسؤولين للقضاء‮ ‬»وهذا أمر واجب كان على حكومة الجنوب القيام به من تلقاء نفسها‮.. ‬لكن في‮ ‬هذا الوقت والذي‮ ‬ينتشر فيه وباء الكوليرا في‮ ‬الجنوب‮.. ‬تتقدم حكومة الجنوب‮ ‬»اذا صحّ‮ ‬الخبر« بالتبرع لكينيا بمليون دولار امريكي‮.. ‬ولا تعليق‮!!‬ ‮{ ‬وفي‮ ‬الوقت الذي‮ ‬تؤكد فيه الحركة الشعبية على لسان الناطق باسمها وليد حامد ان مكتبها بالقاهرة قام بدوره كاملاً‮ ‬حيال الاحداث التي‮ ‬جرت هناك قالت امهات الضحايا ان موقف الحركة ممثلة في‮ ‬مكتبها بالقاهرة لم‮ ‬يكن على مستوى معاناتنا حيث لم تضغط لاجراء تحقيق فيما حدث وان الوفد الذي‮ ‬جاء من حكومة الجنوب لم‮ ‬يكلف نفسه بالاستماع الينا بل كرر نفس كلام الامن المصري‮!!‬ ‮ ‬ولا تعليق‮:‬ ‮ ‬التعليق الذي‮ ‬نقدرعليه هو انها لعبة الكراسي‮ ‬وان»لا قضية« .. ولا‮ ‬يحزنون‮ .. ‬وان المواطن في‮ ‬النهاية في‮ ‬كل مكان في‮ ‬السودان هو رقم صفر‮.. ‬التعليق الذي‮ ‬اقدر عليه ان امهات ضحايا احداث القاهرة مسكينات‮..‬فلو كانت حكومة الجنوب تهتم بعد ان راح في‮ ‬هذه الاحداث عشرات من أبناء المنطقة لزارت ربيكا مصر لا امريكا‮.. ‬ولحاولت ربيكا مواساة أسر الضحايا واعادتهم الى الجنوب‮.. ‬وبدلاً‮ ‬من ان تذهب مليون دولار كتبرع من رئيس حكومة الجنوب الى كينيا لكانت حلّت بعض مشاكل هؤلاء اللاجئين‮.. ‬لكن دعونا نقول لاتعليق‮..‬ ‮ ‬ولكم الود حتى نلتقي

لبني خيري
ــــــــــــ

Quote: فبالنظر إلى ما فعلته كينيا للأخوة في جنوب السودان من استضافة للاجئين واحتضان وخدمات طوال هذه السنين. لا أعتقد أن مليون دولار يساوي شيئا، كما انه يعتبر نوع من التقدير ورد الجميل لكينيا من حكومة الجنوب وهدية رمزية لا تقدم ولا تأخر.

أتفق مع الأخ دينق والأخ ود عقيد

وهذا بالإضافة لجهود كينيا في مشألة السلام وإستضافتها لجولات الحوار المختلفة بأعبائها كلها.

إضافة للاجئين والحركة الشعبية ..

فهي لا تساوي شئ مقابل هذه الخدمات التي استمرت ...

ولعلاقات جوار ستستمر ...

تحياتي لك السيد العريس

يا أنا

الاحباب جميعا

سلام

اسف جدا للتاخير ولا اعتقد ان المسالة قاصرة فقط حول دعم الحركة الشعبية لكينيا مقابل ما قدمته كينيا من خدمات للاجئين ولقضية الجنوب رغما عن عدم صحة التبرير فكينيا دولة وكل دول العالم من واجبها تقديم الخدمات الانسانية اضف الى ان الحركة الشعبية ليست بعد هي المنتخبة من قبل شعب السودان او الى حد شعب الجنوب ايضا شعب لا يزال يعاني من الجوع والفقر والمرض وابسط مقومات الحياء السليمة من ماكل ومشرب لا يمكن ان يسعى قادت منظماته الى التبرع بماله .

ايضا مافي الموضوع الفساد المالي والاداري والصرف المماثل لنظام الانقاذ الصرف في غير الجهة التي جاء من اجلها الدعم ومن حق الدول المانحة ان تتلكأ في وعودها طالما اموالها واموال دافع الضرائب في الدول المانحة يتذهب في غير ما منحت من اجله

المبررات التي صاغتها وساقتها الرسالة هي مبررات قوية جدا وفي مكانها واذا ما حاول البعض تبرير منحة كينيا ما رايهم في تامين حياة الدكتور جون قرنق والفلل الرئاسية الخاصة الان فقط علمت لماذا لم تعترض كوادر الحركة الشعبية على بزخ القمة الافريقية وتبديد الاموال


ولي عودة

Dear al-Omda
Southern sudanese have been hungry since 1956 and have not disappeared from the face of the earth. They have been killed and massacred in genocidal wars since 1955 and they have not vanished. Why is Mr. al-Omda so much concern about the welfare of southerners now, when he never asked about their welfare when they were dying in millions between 1983-2005? The fact that international law requires countries to provide humanitarian assistence to refugees does not negate the gratitude southerners owe to Kenya. I hope you will visit Juba one day, and you will find most of the officials mending government business are either graduates of Nairobi, Jomo Kenyatta, and Mekerere universities. Yes to elections; but until they happen somebody has to do the business of government. It was not the SPLM that lost democracy to NIF

الحبيب شارلس دينق

سلام

ومن قال لك ان العمدة لا يرى معاناة الاخوة الجنوبين الا الان ؟؟

انا ارى ان هذه محاولة غير ذكية منك لتحويل النقاش وبل ( الاتهام ) من الحركة الشعبية وتحديدا القائد سلفا الى مدافعة العمدة عن شخصة

اخي الحبيب انسان الجنوب ظللنا طيلة توجدنا بالمنبر نصرخ بمعاناته سواء التي تسببت فيها حكومة ( الجن ) الجبهة الاسلاموية ام الحركة الشعبية وللعلم الحركة الشعبية من عمق ماساة انسان الجنوب تحديدا والانسان السوداني عامة وذلك برفضها لكل المبادرات الوطنية خاصة تملصها وخرقها لكوكادام بداية بعدم اعترافها برئيس الوزراء المنتخب شعبيا وبالرصاصة التي اطلقتها على طائرة الخطوط السودانية مع سبق الاصرار ومن ثم مهاجمة المدن مثل الكرمك وغيرها .
ولا اتفق معك في انهم لم يختفوا من الارض هم اختفوا احياء وتم وأدهم احياء بالقتل والتنكيل والتعذيب والتجويع وووو الخ لماذا لا يحس البعض بمعاناة الاخرين الا اذا اختفوا وابيدوا من الارض ؟؟؟؟

الحركة الشعبية وقبلها الانانيا التي رفضت الخيار المدني واصرتا على ان تفاوض االانظمة العسكرية المغتصبة لخيارات الشعب هي التي عمقت ماساة انسان السودان وظللنا نردد ذلك كثيرا وقلنا ان الحرب مهما كانت دوفعها فالمتضرر منها هو انسان السودان والقاتل والمقتول سوداني والمعذبون هم النساء والاطفال ولذلك ادنا كثيرا تجييش الاطفال بداخل الحركة الشعبية

كذلك ادنا انتهاكات الحركة المستمرة للمراة الجنوبية وليس اخرها الحكم الصادر عن محاكم الحركة برجم النساء وقد كتب بوستا بذلك ولكن لا انت ولا اي من المدافعين عن الحركة تجرا بالدخول للادانة بل على العكس من ذلك بعض المتكوزنة ولجوا من باب الشماتة وليس المراة الجنوبية

منبر سودانيز به الكثير من البوستات التي عبرنا فيها عن تضامننا مع انسان الجنوب وانسان جبال النوبة كذلك ولكن لم يفتح الله عليكم بتبرير الانتهاكات التي رصدتها المنظمات الدولية فقط انتبهتم للتي تدين الجبهة الاسلاموية ولكن غضضتم الطرف عن انتهاكات الحركة

تماما كما تغضون الطرف الان عن انتهاكاتها سواء اعلاه او في هذا البوست
محكمة ال SPLA تقتل زوجتين متّهمتين بالزنا بدفنهما حيّتي...تفرج عن الزانيين!!!!



ثم في هذا البوست والذي ادعوك لقرائته بدقة وانسانية
هذا البركان قابل للاْنفجار مرة أخرى

واليك بعض انتهاكات الحركة الشعبية لانسان الجنوب

وكما تطالبني بادانة التقتيل لشعب الجنوب والذي اسميه انا ابادة وجريمة انسانية اطالبك كذلك بادانة الحركة الشعبية وتحملها لنصيبها من هذه الابادة

من تقرير لمنظمة العفو الدولية - امنستي انترناشيونال-

The SPLA, the SSIA and human rights

On 30 July 1995 SPLA soldiers and armed Dinka, Agar and Atuot civilians from the Akot and Aluakluak areas combined to attack Nuer villages and cattle camps around the small centre of Ganyliel in southern Upper Nile.

Ganyliel is a relatively densely populated area. Its villages are scattered collections of homesteads, each with its own cattle byre known as a luak, and each surrounded by its own fields. By late July 1995 most of the cattle had been brought back to the cattle byres from more distant camps where they had been pastured during the dry season.


The attack is reported to have begun in the early hours of the morning. First the raiders attacked villages northwest of Ganyliel. They then split into three parties and over the hours that followed, both before and after dawn, they looted and burned villages around Dhuolmanyang, Gualaguk and Laidit. Over 200 civilians, the majority of them women and children, were reportedly killed. Thousands of cattle, sheep and goats were driven away. Some standing crops were slashed and destroyed.

Many of those killed were indiscriminately shot as they fled. Others were captured and then deliberately killed. An eye-witness to the attack on Bongkhal, which took place shortly after first light, has described seeing three women with their babies being caught by SPLA soldiers. Two of the women were shot dead. One woman and the babies were killed with large knives. A woman who survived the attack on the village of Manyal had one child shot and two others hacked to death. Nearby an elderly women was cut to death. An infant was killed by being thrown in the air and left to hit the ground. Another eye-witness described seeing SPLA soldiers capturing Nuer civilians and then handing them over to Dinka civilians to be speared to death.

The attack on Ganyliel was in retaliation for an earlier assault by SSIA soldiers and Nuer civilians on Akot and the nearby Tharagep cattle camp. Akot is an important regional centre for both the SPLA and for relief and development assistance. The villages around it are similar to those around Ganyliel, except that cattle are kept all year round in camps containing thousands of animals.


In the raid on Akot and Tharagep, on 22 October 1994, more than 100 civilians are reported to have been killed and as many as 2,000 cattle stolen. Civilians were shot indiscriminately as they tried to escape. Adith Malok, a midwife in Akot medical centre, was shot dead minutes after she had delivered a baby when she ran outside. Others were captured and then beaten and speared to death. A survivor of the attack on Tharagep, Macol Mayang, was beaten about the head with an iron bar. He survived because he fell unconscious. SSIA soldiers and Nuer civilians looted Akot during the attack; after the asault SPLA soldiers and local people looted stores belonging to foreign relief and development organizations.

These attacks follow the pattern of fighting between the SPLA and SSIA involving deliberate attacks on civilians detailed in previous Amnesty International reports. In the past, the SPLM/A has remained silent on the issue of responsibility for human rights abuses. Recently, however, there have been indications that some senior members of the SPLM/A have recognized the need to take responsibility for human rights abuses committed by SPLA members. These developments stem from a decision by the First National Convention in April 1994 to strengthen civilian involvement in the organization.

In 1995 both the SPLM/A and the SSIM/A signed agreements with UN Operation Lifeline Sudan establishing ground rules for the delivery of humanitarian assistance. These include a commitment to respecting basic principles laid down in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the 1977 Additional Protocols to the Geneva Conventions. While the ground rules are primarily about humanitarian issues, the international treaties to which the SPLM/A and SSIM/A have committed themselves contain important human rights provisions. The ground rules represent a statement by these organizations about the standards to which they aspire (and which are also expected of UN agencies and non-governmental organizations).

Amnesty International welcomed the SPLM/As signature of the agreement as an important act in a report entitled Monitoring human rights published in October 1995. ( In January 1995 Amnesty International called on the SPLM/A to make a public commitment to the humanitarian principles enshrined in the Geneva Conventions.) At that time Amnesty International was not aware that SSIM/A had also signed it. Amnesty International pointed out that the SPLM/A was already bound as a minimum to apply Common Article Three of the Geneva Conventions, and went on to say that whether or not these steps are meaningful will be determined by the SPLAs conduct.

Since the ground rules were signed the Sudan Relief and Rehabilitation Association (SRRA), the humanitarian wing of the SPLM/A, and the Relief Association for the Southern Sudan (RASS), the equivalent wing of the SSIM/A, have cooperated with UN Operation Lifeline Sudan in holding a series of meetings to explain the ground rules. In October Amnesty International representatives attended such a meeting in Chukudum, an SPLM/A-controlled village in southern Sudan. It was attended by over 100 civilians and SPLA officers, as well as by representatives of Sudanese and foreign non-governmental organizations working in Chukudum. The SRRA team explored the links between the principles underlying the ground rules and southern Sudanese socio-cultural traditions. However, the human rights implications of the ground rules agreement were not made clear.

The agreement therefore currently represents an opportunity to build human rights awareness rather than a decisive intervention for human rights protection. This was underlined to Amnesty International in a meeting in October 1995 with SSIM/A leader Dr Riek Machar Teny Dhurgon. He and his advisers insisted that the agreement did not commit the SSIM/A to respecting international standards for the protection of human rights.

In September 1995 the SPLM/A held a large meeting of its officers, part of which was attended by civilians and Sudanese and foreign non-governmental organizations. Public criticism was encouraged. The opinions that were voiced from within the SPLM/A included criticism of human rights abuse by the SPLA. At the meeting the SPLM/A committed itself to setting up a verification committee to investigate alleged violations of childrens rights and the ground rules. Again, this is a welcome development -- but it is not yet clear that it has been put into practice.

In October 1995 Amnesty International representatives met Salva Kiir Mayardit, Chief of Staff of the SPLA and Deputy Chairman of the SPLM, and four Regional Governors and senior commanders. The officers were critical of Amnesty Internationals reporting of alleged abuses by the SPLA. They argued that there had been mistakes in the past, but that, since the First National Convention in 1994, the human rights situation had changed. They questioned Amnesty Internationals objectives in repeatedly raising incidents which had taken place several years before, suggesting that the organization was politically motivated.

The Amnesty International representatives raised the killings in Ganyliel. Salva Kiir Mayardit said that the killings had been carried out by cattle raiders, and described cattle raiding as an endemic problem between the Dinka and the Nuer. Although he conceded that SPLA personnel may have taken part in the raid, he denied that the attack was authorized.

Cattle raids are part of life in this area of Sudan and civilians in the Akot area undoubtedly wanted revenge for the October 1994 attack. However, information received by Amnesty International indicates that SPLA officers in command in Karic and Akot organized the raid. About half the attacking force was made up of SPLA troops, most from Karic and Akot, some from Mvolo, an SPLA post in Western Equatoria south of Akot, and some, reportedly, from around Tonj. Even if SPLA officers did not organize the attack, the large scale involvement of SPLA personnel makes the organization accountable for their actions. (SPLA detachments in the Yirol area, east of Akot, are reported to have refused to take part. The chiefs of Dinka sections from Yirol were actually in the Ganyliel area holding peace talks with their Nuer counterparts when the raid took place.)

The Amnesty International representatives asked what steps the SPLA had taken to investigate the incident. The procedure described involved the Regional Governor contacting the Divisional Commander, who in turn contacted local commanders and local chiefs. The officers pointed out that Ganyliel is in SSIA territory and that therefore an on-the-spot investigation was not possible.

It is true that the SPLA could not mount an investigation in Ganyliel itself. However, the inquiry outlined in no way constituted a thorough, systematic investigation. It was not independent and contained no safeguards against the only people being asked for information being the very people responsible for the abuses. It does not appear to have been pursued with any vigour nor to have led to any action against alleged human rights abusers.

The killings at Ganyliel were committed within days of the signing of the agreement on ground rules. The SPLM/As failure to take action shows that the pattern of inadequate SPLM/A responses to abuses by its troops has not yet been broken. The inadequacy of the SPLM/A reaction underlines how much work remains to be done if it is to establish genuine human rights protection.

Amnesty International representatives also raised the Akot incident with Dr Riek Machar Teny Dhurgon of the SSIM/A. His response was similar to that of the SPLM/A. He said that he had tried to find out the facts of what had happened in Akot but that this had proved difficult. He indicated that he had not transferred the commander from the area, but acknowledged that the incident raised important issues about the control and training of troops.

By the time this report is published, the SPLM/A will have held a conference on Civil Society and the Organization of Civil Authority in the New Sudan, currently scheduled for late April 1996. Its aims include developing policies for establishing effective, efficient and accountable structures of civil administration; developing an independent, effective and efficient system for the administration of justice; and developing mechanisms to nurture the growth and effective functioning of civil institutions.

Amnesty International urges the SPLM/A to address human rights issues directly. A strong civil administration is no guarantee of respect for human rights. A functioning judicial system is vital, but will not protect human rights if laws are inconsistent with international human rights standards or if procedures do not allow, for example, the right of appeal to an independent body. Strengthening the institutions of civil society (including non-governmental human rights organizations) is a fundamental long-term step towards holding those with power accountable. However, its success depends upon creating the freedom for such institutions to operate without interference.

Amnesty Internationals message is simple. The resource constraints and logistical problems which hinder both the SPLM/A and the SSIM/A cannot justify continued failure to take practical measures to improve respect for human rights. It is easy to hide behind such constraints to avoid taking difficult action, but generalizations about the importance of human rights are useless if not backed by action.

The SPLM/A and the SSIM/A have to take action on human rights which addresses the real seat of power. For both organizations this remains the military. Soldiers who commit abuses must answer for their actions. Strict control should be kept over all military units and clear orders should be given prohibiting the deliberate and arbitrary killing of civilians.

To be effective, action has to be based on a proper assessment of the facts. Mechanisms to establish the facts in cases of human rights abuse are therefore a top priority. Allegations of abuse should be promptly investigated by impartial systems of inquiry which have sufficient independence to be credible and which issue public reports. The leadership should respond publicly to such reports, indicating what steps they are taking in the light of the report's recommendations.

Both the SPLM/A and the SSIM/A should explore mechanisms of investigation which can work across the borders of territory controlled by each without hindrance. This would require the politically difficult step of agreeing that human rights issues transcend narrow interests. It could involve the creation of an institution independent of each group but respected by both.

المرجع:
ِمنظمة العفو الدولية
SUDAN
Progress or public relations?
May 1996
AI INDEX: AFR 54/06/96
DISTR: SC/CC/CO/GR/OUT
http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/ENGAFR540061996

SPLA

On February 18, 1999, the SPLA captured three government employees said to be "spies" and a Red Crescent tracing officer, and two ICRC expatriates with them, who strayed into SPLA territory. Although the ICRC personnel were released, the SPLA later claimed that all four Sudanese captives were killed during an unsuccessful rescue attempt. It refused to release the bodies, making it likely that the four had been murdered.

The Didinga of Chukudum in the Eastern Equatoria region of southern Sudan were deeply dissatisfied for years with the SPLA garrison in their town, claiming mistreatment by the Bor Dinka who dominated the garrison and whose families lived in nearby displaced persons camps. There was a history of summary executions and retaliations by both sides.

On January 10, 1999, a personal clash between a Dinka SPLA officer and a Didinga SPLA officer resulted in the death of the Dinka officer. The next day, Didinga fled for the mountains, fearing retaliation. On January 13, fighting broke out, and the SPLA took the town. A peace-making delegation appointed by the SPLA was not heeded; the SPLA claimed the Didinga were in league with a government militia. In April, fighting started again. A cease-fire was finally declared in August and the SPLA agreed to remove landmines it planted in the area.

SPLM leaders admitted SPLA responsibility for food diversion at a U.N.-convened May meeting on the 1998 famine. They also sharply criticized international blunders. In Ajiep, a major relief distribution center during the famine, some 800 bags of food (fifty kilos/bag) were stolen from the airstrip, the work of warlord Kerubino's soldiers, police from Wau, and SPLA deserters. The SPLA was blamed for not restoring order after it was notified of this problem. In Ajiep only 41 percent of the food was left for the community after the chiefs, commissioners, and SPLA had taken their cut, and that lay undistributed for weeks. The SPLA took 30 percent, more than they needed to feed their troops, those at the meeting said. This was the area in which the diversion problem was the largest magnitude: Ajiep had the highest mortality rate during the famine.

Visitors to SPLA areas continued to see armed SPLA youth who looked younger than eighteen. Although UNICEF had a program for demobilization of child soldiers, the SPLA was not known to have demobilized any of the child soldiers in its ranks.

Marial Nuor, an SPLA major in military intelligence, was investigated by the SPLA after he detained elderly foreign nuns and a priest for two weeks in 1996, causing an international uproar. Marial, in charge of SPLA recruitment in Yirol, had allegedly also killed two soldiers, three recruits, and tortured an old man to death. He was convicted by a court martial-for mutiny when he evaded arrest. He was imprisoned briefly, and then was under "open arrest." At the request of the old man's family, Marial was sent back toYirol in 1999 and tried in a civilian court. He was convicted and sentenced to five years in jail and fined. Several months later, however, he was freed when the SPLA ordered him to conduct more recruitment in Yirol. After he threatened his fellow officers and bragged of his untouchability, he was again punished: with a transfer from Yirol.

المرجع:
راصد حقوق الانسان
SUDAN
Human Rights Developments
http://www.hrw.org/wr2k/Africa-11.htm

لحركة الشعبية وقبلها الانانيا التي رفضت الخيار المدني واصرتا على ان تفاوض االانظمة العسكرية المغتصبة لخيارات الشعب هي التي عمقت ماساة انسان السودان وظللنا نردد ذلك كثيرا وقلنا ان الحرب مهما كانت دوفعها فالمتضرر منها هو انسان السودان والقاتل والمقتول سوداني والمعذبون هم النساء والاطفال ولذلك ادنا كثيرا تجييش الاطفال بداخل الحركة الشعبية
Dear Al-Omda

It is you now who is diverting the course of discussion to other topics or issues like human rights and so on and so forth. Our subject was the correctness of the donation by GoSS to the people of Kenya. But you brought in the issue of democracy and unelecled governments , donating the money of the suffering people of the South. You were in fact, blaming the lack of democracy in the Sudan as the responsibility of the SPLM/A, when power changed hands in the night of June under circumstances we all know. Who is responsible? Moreover, the issue of donating one million dollar is an issue where anyone of those approving or disapproving maybe wrong. What I detest very much is this old patriachal northern attitude that they know what is in the best interest of the South more than southerners. I do not know whether this crap will ever stop.It makes me tired and sick in the stomach. In my view, the issue of donation is absolutely a non-issue.
As to human rights, human rights abuses in South Sudan did not begin with the SPLM/A.
All so-called national governments have their share in abusing the human rights of southerners. I do not need to go into any further details. The quotation you made from human right reports have been posted time and time again, as if it is a new discovery. If your were objective enough you would have quoted also the human rights abuses by northern governments. A compendium of such abuses is available since 1956 in human rights organizations' archives. As to your claim that both, Anyanya and SPLM/A, had always rejected dealing with civilian governments, it is a statement without any grain of truth. As far as the South is concerned, there have been no civilian or democratic governments. Each of these governments had approached the South with militaristic fist, kept matrial law in force since 1955 untill recently. So, what civi1lian governments are you talking about, when South had been under martial law for over fifty years?

الحبيب شارلس دينق

سلام من تاني

دور الحركة الشعبية في القضاء على الديموقراطية واضح كالشمس ولا تخطئه الا عينا مكابر , وانا لا اقول ان الحركة الشعبية وحدها ولكن لعبت دورا اساسيا وكبيرا اضافة الى قوة اخرى ومن بينها حزب الامة القومي الذي انتمي اليه , ولكن يا اخي شتان ما بين مجتهد فيصيب وما بين هادم وموفق في هدمه .. القوى الديموقراطية والمدنية انتزعت السلطة من مايو وعملت على ارساء دعائم الحكم الديموقراطي وفشلت وانتم جزء من اسباب الفشل كوننا اجتهدنا في سبيل الديموقراطية وفشلنا يختلف عن دوركم في هدمها وانا اقول ذلك لان تجربة الحركات المسلحة الجنوبية وتحديدا تجربتي انانيا والحركة الشعبية خير دليل على مساهماتهما بالاطاحة بالانظمة الديموقراطية والتفاوض بل والتحالف مع القوى الشمولية مايو - الافقار والهلاك الوطني - الجبهة . وهذا يقودنا الى الاهداف المعلنة للحركة الشعبية وافكارها مقابلة مع الواقع المنفذ فعلا وحقيقة وهذا ايضا يؤدي الى اثبات ان الحركة الشعبية لا يهمها الحكم الديموقراطي بل لديها اجندتها الخاصة البعيدة عن المواطن السوداني شمالا وجنوبا .
ولهذا كثرت انتهاكاتها لحقوق الانسان الجنوبي - الذي تدعي النضال من اجله - والشمالي - الذي تراه عدوا ... واثبات ذلك بالادانات والتقارير الصادرة من قبل المنظمات العالمية العاملة في مجال حقوق الانسان .. وهذا الوثائق يا اخي لا تسقط بالتقادم او تبريرات المرحلة كما تحاول ان تسوق .. هذه جرائم لا تسقط بالتقادم ولا تبرر اطلاقا خاصة ان في معظمها المواطن الجنوبي المصاب بنيران الحركة الشعبية والمؤتمر الوطني وطال الزمان او قصر فسيحال مرتكبي هذه الجرائم الى ساحات العدالة .

اما اطلاق التهم على الحكومات الديموقراطية هكذا باعمام مخل فغير مقبول اطلاقا فكما اوردت هنا تقارير ادانة للحركة الشعبية فعليك اثبات اتهاماتك بتقارير مماثلة تدين النظام الديموقراطي 86 - 1989 والا فقولك غير مقبول ودفاعك مردود

ايضا ما طرحته هنا لا يخرج من موضوع البوست لانني اقول باحقية انسان الجنوب الذي يموت بفعل المرض والجوع الى هذه الملايين التي تنفق في غير محلها وخير وصف لها هو الفساد
فلا يمكن ان تؤمن حياة انسان مهما عظم شانه بالملايين من الدولارات بعد مماته في حين ان هنالك احياء اموات في حوجة ماسة لهذه الملايين وليست الملاليم . فلا يعقل ان يحبس انسان المال عن بني شعبه حيا وميتا ؟؟؟؟؟؟؟!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

يا اخي العزيز اذا ما بررت تبرع سلفا كير لكينيا - وهو تبرير مرفوض - فكيف تبرر تامين حياة الدكتور جون فرنق ومن اين اتى بكل هذه الاموال وما الفرق هنا بينه وبينه ما تفعله عصابات المؤتمر الوطني ؟؟؟

ود العمدة
كيفك
انت احصر نقدك للكيزان فقط...وانحرافهم عن تنفيذ الاتفاقات التي يبرمونها نسبة لطبيعة النفاق المتاصل فيهم واذا عاهد غدر من خصال النفاق بنص الحديث..بدل ان تمارس التنويم بالتناوب.. تقبحو الحركة والمؤتمر عشان تجو انتو(الجبهة الوطنية 2006) من جديد ومن غير جديد لا في الشكل ولا المضمون..وبعدين حنستورد ليكم احزاب اوساسة من اليابان مثلا..ماهو الحركة من عينة احزاب السودان..لكنها الافضل..وهي افضل مشروع سياسي راهن وغير مجرب وفاشل.. وغير مستورد..


والكيزان في زمن الحقبة الترابية يرسلون اموال الشعب السوداني عبر تنظيمهم الاممي لالبان كوزوفو وكشمير وحماس وجذر واق الواق..في زمن الحقبة الترابية(وامريكا قد دنا عذابها)..والناس بموتو بالجوع في جبال النوبة وجنوب السودان...والان ذى صدام يبددوا قروشم لحكامات الامم المتحدة من امثال برونك وشراء االذمم في الداخل والخارج عشان يقولو ليهم الدائرة مربع
وطبعا تعاسة السودان سببا الكيزان والحاضن الرسمي لهذا لفكر المقبوح الوافد كان حزب الامة اي الامام وصهره تحديدا...ومن سنة 1964 نحن بنمارس الصعود الي الهاوية
والسودان القديم كلو ما نافع...والاخ سلفا كير ده يا دابو يتلمس طريقو في مستنقع السياسة السودانية الاسن...وانتم ولمرجفون في المدينة تبخسونه ..تعيدون انتاج الازمة بتعليق قبح وفشل الانقاذ علي الحركة الشعبية وهيهات
وشفت اخر من يبخس الحركة الشعبية او برنامجها او ممارساتها هي الجبهة الوطنية 2006...كان يمكن نقول انتو بتعيدو انتاج الازمة باعادة البرنامج الفاشلة والمجربة ولكن للاسف انتو بتعيدو انتاج الازمة باعادة انتاج الاشخاص نفسهم

سمكرة
سامعني ولي اقول كمان...

الحبيب عادل امين
عدوي اللدود

Quote: انت احصر نقدك للكيزان فقط

عارف دي اكتر حاجة بتزهجني ... مسالة انو الواحد يحدد خيارات الاخرين اعملو كده وما تعملو كده .. يا عادل انت انسان بتقول بتؤمن بالديموقراطية واحترام خيارات الاخرين لي تجي هنا تحدد لي وزي ما بتحدد لكثيرين في المنبر الكيفية والمنهجية التي يجب ان يفكرو بها . يا عادل انا افهم انك تختلف معاي في الراي وانا اختلف معك ومع اخرون ولكن مسالة الوصاية ومحاولة توجيه افكار الناس حسب ما تراه انت ده سبب المشلكة بذاتا .
انت الان بتحدد لي وده في المنبر بس يعني لو مسكت السلطة ح تعمل شنو ؟؟ زده الرافضنو انحا اصلا .. شفت كيف الفرق كبير بين دعاة السودان الجديد الذي يراد تشييده بالاكراه والعنف ولو لفظيا وبين دعاة السودان المتجدد ؟؟؟؟؟

انا زي ما بنتقد الكيزان ونقدهم للاتفاقيات برضو بنتقد اي تنظيم ينتقد اي اتفاقية ومن النهاية بنتقد اي انسان او كيان لا يفوي بعهده مع الاخر سواء اكان الاخر وطنيا ام دوليا ام مليا حتى . الوفاء بالعهد بالنسبة لي في حزب الامة واجب وفرض واخلاق وقيمة تربوية دينية او وطنية مثلها مثل الصدق والعدل ووو الخ .

كما خانت الحركة الاسلاموية عهودها منذ المصالحة الوطنية وحتى يمنا هذا تتوالي سلسلة خياناتها كذلك الحركة الشعبية منذ اندلاع الانتفاضة واتفاقية كوكادام التي وقعت بين السيد الامام الصادق المهدي رئيس حزب الامة والدكتور جون قرنق قائد الحركة الشعبية اخترقت الحركة الاتفاقية وكان اول اختراق اسقاط طائرة الخطوط السودانية في ملكال وتوالت الاختراقات حتى اختراق اتفاقيات الحركة مع التجمع الوطني وممارستها العهر السياسي مع الجبهة الاسلاموية في منتجعات نيفاشا وميشاكوس وكان سفاح اتفاقية السلام العمل الغير صالح .

اذا نظرت فقط الى اختراقات الجبهة الاسلاموية فهو نظر اعور وانكفائي
فلنطبق قيمنا ومبادئنا على الجميع ومافيش حد احسن من حد يا حبيبو عادل

الانقاذ تدفع مليون دولار لصحيفة نيويورك تايمز من اجل تح...صورتها، اي فساد هذا!

بصراح يا العمدة مع احترامي ليك وللاخت نور تاور

انو ضد اجندة التحرر وضد مناطقكم وقضاياكم الي شايفين نفوسكم حريصين عليهو شديد!!!!
وانا بقول ليكم كدا لي ابسط حاجة هي : ان الحركة الشعبية ما حزب و لافي منطقة السلطة وصنع القرار ولسع لغاية هسع مجهجه يحارب منو ؟!
يحاربالزيكم الما عارفين انو بيخدموا اهداف الانقاذ ولا رؤس الكيزان البيحاولو لتشتيت الحركة( ولمعلومية الحركة ثابتة للموت)؟!!!
علي كل حال الحركة الشعبية ما فوق النقد ولكن نحن ذي ما قلت سابقا في حاجة للنقد البناء ولو كمان انا شايف انو دا ما وقت نختلف فيه علي قضايا لان الحرب هسع اشد من الحرب الكان ايام المدافع والرشاشات (تعلم من الامثال والموروثات العربية اليت تشكل نفسية العربي, فهناك مثل يقول انا واخوي علي ود عمي وانا وود عمي علي البعيد)
الشئ البحاول اقولو ليكم هو نعم في مشاكل وانتهاكات داخل الحركة الشعبية ضد الكل فالاستوائية تشتكي من الدينكا والدينكا من بعضها والنوير من الشلك والخ والحلقة لسع ما مكتملة لكن برضو بنرجع وبنتالف لانو قوتنا في اتحادنا فكلنا المشكلين القوة الرئيسية اليت تبنت كل قضايانا والمعروفة بالحركة الشعبية فنحن في حاجة للمؤازرة والوقفة الصادقة مع الحركة الشعبية ونحاول نقرب المسافات بيناتنا ونرسي دعائم الديموقراطية المتاهة حالية لصالح شعوبنا .
ولكن لو عملنا فالحين وقمنا بتوجيه التهم لبعضنا البعض ونقول ابناء الجنوب والنوير والاستوائية وجنوب النيل الازرق والخ , صدقوني النيل ما حايروي نفر واحد فينا من عطش الظلم والهزيمة اللي حيلقونا ليهو من الكيزان وناس المشروع الحضاري والتانيين معروفين ليكم كويس .
اكرر ما كعب انو ننتقد الحركة الشعبية ولكن الاكعب انو نعمل النقد هو حكايتنا في الكبيرة والصغيرة بنتكلم وننتقد ونشجب وندين ونعمل فينا عارفين ونحن ما عارفين الحبة !!!!!.
سيبوا المشاعر بي الجنبة وسيبوا احنا نوبة واحنا نوير واحنا دينكا ولو ما نحنا كان قطركم وقف ولو نحن كان مركبكم غرق وكلام من كدا ؟!!!
دا كلام قبلية معفنة وجهوية ما تجيب الا الجهجة والظلم والحرب والشتات ,صدقوني لو كنا بنحارب علي اساس انو نحن نوبة ولا دينكا ولا شلك ونوير وفونج ما كنا حا نصل الليلة في اللي انتو شايفنو بسيط ومستحقرين بيو لكن افقدوا هسع كان ما بكيتوا بدل الدموع دم!!!!!!!!.
نحن في حاجة الي ابطال وسيوف حق تامن حقوقنا ضد اعداؤنا اولا ثم بعد ذلك نلتف الي الداخل فنقطع عنا الظالم والمستبد !!!
فهل نقف اولا ضد العدوان الخارجي حتي نحافظ علي وحدتنا التي دونها لاقوة لنا من ثم نرسي دعائم هذه الوحدة حتي لا نصلح به الانشقاقات الداخلية ؟!!!!
ان كنتم عملاء فاستمروا في عملك ضد ابناؤكم وبعضكم
وان كنتم من اصحاب الوجع فتحملوا الوجع الذي نشعر به كلنا الي يوم نامن فيه جبهاتنا الخارجية ثم نلتفت ونمزق كل خارج وباغي ضد شعوبنا المقدسةبنضالها ضد الظلم .
وليبارككم الله ابينا والرب يسوع المسيح
امين