دارفـــــــــور: تصفية عرقية‘ إغتصاب‘ (...) فيديـــــــــــــــو

Quote: في تصريح خاص لـ(smc)

Quote: سودانيزاونلاين.كوم sudaneseonline.com 6/19/2005 9:49 م الخرطوم (رويترز) - قال رئيس محكمة خاصة ان عشرة رجال مثلوا امام المحكمة في السودان لاتهامهم بالاغتصاب والسطو في منطقة دارفور المضطربة. وقال محمود محمد سعيد أبكم لرويترز من نيالا عاصمة جنوب دارفور حيث بدأت المحكمة عملها يوم السبت ان المحاكمة تأجلت حتى يوم الثلاثاء استجابة لطلب الادعاء الذي طلب المزيد من الوقت لاستدعاء الشهود. وقال ابكم ان المحكمة بدأت يوم الاحد النظر في قضية سطو واغتصاب. واضاف انه وفقا لما يقوله الادعاء فان المتهمين كانوا اعضاء في قوات الدفاع الشعبية. وقال ان هناك عشرة رجال يمثلون امام المحكمة وان الجرائم ارتكبت من ستة اشهر. وقتل عشرات الالاف كما نزح اكثر من مليونين من منازلهم الى مخيمات اعدت على عجل اثناء الصراع الذي وقع في دارفور على مدى العامين الاخيرين ونصف العام. وتصف الحكومة قوات الدفاع الشعبية بانها احتياطي للجيش جرى استدعاؤها للخدمة الى جانب الجيش لإخماد التمرد في دارفور. وتصف منظمات حقوق الانسان والمتمردين هذه القوات بانها "جنجويد" وهو لفظ مشتق من العربية يعني "شياطين على متون الخيل". وهذه الميليشيا العربية المرهوبة الجانب متهمة على نطاق واسع بحملة واسعة النطاق من الاغتصاب والقتل واحراق القرى مما اثار سخطا دوليا. وطلب مجلس الامن في وقت سابق من العام الجاري من المحكمة الجنائية الدولية التحقيق في جرائم الحرب المزعومة في دارفور وهي المرة الاولى التي يحيل فيها مجلس الامن مثل هذ القضايا الى المحكمة. ويقول السودان ان محكمته الخاصة المتجولة لجرائم الحرب ستكون بديلا للمحكمة الجنائية الدولية. وتذكر معاهدة تشكيل محكمة جرائم الحرب الدولية ان اي مشتبه يحاكم وفقا لإجراءات وطنية عادلة ويمكن الوثوق بها لايمكن محاكمته في المحكمة الجنائية الدولية. ولكن لجنة جرى تعيينها من قبل الامم المتحدة للتحقيق في دارفور استنتجت ان الهيئة القضائية السودانية غير قادرة على اجراء مثل تلك المحاكمات. ورفض ابكم ذلك قائلا انه سيستقيل كرئيس لمحكمة مشكلة من ثلاثة قضاة اذا كان هناك اي تدخل للحكومة السودانية في الاجراءات. وقال يوم الاحد ان محاكمة المتهمين بمهاجمة قافلة وكالة المعونة الامريكية التي اصيبت فيها عاملة معونة امريكية عندما تعرضت لاطلاق النار ستبدأ في 23 يونيو حزيران الجاري. وحتى الان لم تحدد لجنة تحقيق حكومية سوى صغار المجرمين. ولكن ابرز مبعوثي الامم المتحدة في السودان يان برونك قال ان المحكمة ربما تنتقل في نهاية المطاف الى كبار المسؤولين. والمحكمة الجنائية الدولية لديها قائمة بأسماء 51 من المتهمين بارتكاب جرائم حرب تشمل مسؤولين بارزين بالجيش والحكومة ومتمردين وقادة ميليشيات وضباط بجيوش اجنبية. من أوفيرا مكدوم

Quote: عبد الواحد محمد نور كان في غاية المسؤولية و الشجاعة ... و أعلن أستعداده بالتعاون مع محكمة الجنايات الدولية ... هل يرتقي أي واحد من الجانب الآخر الي تلك المسؤولية و الشجاعة .. البشير .. علي عثمان محمد طه ... عوض الجاز ... موسي هلال ... مصطفي عثمان أسماعيل

Quote: Quote: Serious Drought now threatens the lives of yet more children in Darfur I returned from Sudan yesterday where I was shocked to find that, despite denials in Khartoum, serious drought - worse than that in 2001 when all surface water in North Darfur dried up - has caused a complete failure of crops in many parts. No proper crop assessment has been done, because of the ongoing violence, so that the international community has no way of knowing how to help. Livestock has been looted, the only other way children can get food, and even animals are dying from starvation, including 8000 donkeys in Abou Showk camp, outside the regional capital, El Fasher. KIDS FOR KIDS has arranged with its partners for the surviving 1311 donkeys in the camp to get emergency food and veterinary care to them - but urgent action must be taken by the international community now to prevent a major disaster. Drought, linked with ongoing conflict, will lead to many deaths. This was confirmed by the British Ambassador to me last week. We visited the hospital in El Fasher where already there are children suffering from severe malnutrition. But I also saw 100 of our goats, which arrived in Jugu Jugu, a village of 200 families, which were already giving milk to families. One lady told me she now had 4 cups of milk a day for her children. This is direct help which we are doing now, despite the violence. If the international community cannot help, then every child in England can. One goat costs £12 in the market this week - the price of animals is rising because of the shortage - and a donkey costs £50, but is a life saver. Thanks to children here I was able to give the go ahead for goats for nine more villages - but many more are needed.

Quote: Bringing justice to Darfur By Joanne Mariner FindLaw columnist (FindLaw) -- Just two weeks ago, the International Criminal Court's prosecutor, Luis Moreno Ocampo, announced that he was opening an investigation into atrocities in Darfur. His decision to investigate comes after the March 31 resolution of the U.N. Security Council that referred the situation in Darfur to the ICC. Darfur is typically spoken of as a humanitarian crisis, but the characterization is deceptive. Unlike the destruction wrought by tsunamis or hurricanes, Darfur's terrible human and material devastation was caused by men. The countless acts of rape, murder and forced displacement carried out in Darfur are not lamentable tragedies; they're crimes. It is the job of the ICC prosecutor to identify the perpetrators of these crimes and bring them to justice. The Sudanese stance There is nothing easy about the prosecutor's task. At every step of the way, the Sudanese government can be expected to try to thwart his efforts and obstruct the progress of the case. In April, immediately after the Security Council decision to refer the Darfur case to the ICC, the government announced that it would never turn over Sudanese citizens for trial abroad. The government's reasons for wanting to avoid cooperation are not hard to discern. Although officials in Khartoum like to describe the situation in Darfur as a tribal conflict that is beyond their control, the government's responsibility is well documented. Arab militias known as Janjaweed may have committed much of the violence in Darfur, but they were armed and funded by the government. And many attacks on civilians were carried out by Janjaweed and Sudanese military forces acting in concert. High Sudanese officials responsible for formulating and implementing the government's Darfur strategy no doubt fear prosecution. Although a list compiled by a high-level U.N. commission of 51suspects to be potentially prosecuted for crimes in Darfur is secret, it likely includes at least a couple of senior officials in Khartoum. And with former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic on trial in The Hague, the prospect of high-level international prosecutions is quite real. Principle of complementarity With more than two million people displaced, and hundreds of villages burned and looted, it is impossible for the Sudanese government to deny the enormity of the crimes that have been committed in Darfur. But while it cannot pretend that trials are unwarranted, it can assert that the ICC's brand of justice is. What officials in Khartoum can try to do to -- and what they appear to be doing -- is undermine the ICC's claim to jurisdiction. Importantly, unlike the ad hoc tribunals set up for Bosnia and Rwanda, the ICC does not take precedence over domestic courts. According to the principle of complementarity, a key component of the ICC statute, the court can only take jurisdiction over crimes when national courts are unwilling or unable to prosecute them. Under the court's rules, a finding that a state is unwilling or unable to prosecute the crimes is a prerequisite to a formal decision to start an investigation. With regard to Darfur, therefore, the ICC prosecutor has indicated that this hurdle has been cleared. But the ICC's rules give the Sudanese authorities the power to challenge the prosecutor's determination. By filing an admissibility challenge under the ICC statute, the government might hope to block the case or, at minimum, to slow its progress. (If such a challenge is filed, the ICC prosecutor must suspend his investigation until the court decides the challenge.) Khartoum has yet to file an admissibility challenge, but it has been busy laying the groundwork for one. The basis of its claim would be that the crimes in Darfur are being investigated and prosecuted domestically. Inability to dispense justice In April, in response to the Security Council resolution, Sudanese officials said that the government was committed to prosecuting the perpetrators of Darfur's crimes. Sudanese Information Minister Abd-al-Basit Sabadrat declared, in a television interview about the resolution, that the government was "confident in the Sudanese judiciary's ability to dispense justice." Given that the Sudanese courts had already had plenty of time to prosecute the crimes in Darfur, and had manifestly failed to do so, few took the government's statements seriously. As the high-level U.N. commission that investigated Darfur had found, the Sudanese government can point to "very few cases of individuals who have been prosecuted, or even disciplined, in the context of the current crisis." Still, the prosecutor's announcement two weeks ago seems to have given additional impetus to Khartoum's effort to showcase a domestic alternative to the ICC. Just last week, the Sudanese government established a special court that it claims will try alleged war criminals from Darfur. And on Saturday, in a remarkable display of judicial dispatch, the head of the court announced that the first such trial had begun. The defendants are ten men accused of committing rape and robbery in Darfur. Amnesty International and other human rights groups expressed skepticism at the government's belated display of interest in justice. "We fear that the establishment of the special court may just be a tactic by the Sudanese government to avoid prosecution by the International Criminal Court," an Amnesty spokesperson said bluntly. As the U.N.'s high-level commission emphasized, the Sudanese justice system is simply not fit to try the crimes in Darfur. "Sudanese criminal laws do not adequately proscribe war crimes and crimes against humanity, such as those carried out in Darfur, and the Criminal Procedure Code contains provisions that prevent the effective prosecution of these acts," the commission noted. And there is little doubt, given their lack of independence, that domestic Sudanese courts would be neither willing nor able to prosecute the senior officials implicated in Darfur's crimes. What's next? Sooner or later -- hopefully sooner -- any jurisdictional disputes regarding the ICC's work in Darfur will be put to rest. Sudan, as a member of the United Nations, will be bound to cooperate with the ICC by, among other things, allowing the prosecutor and his team admission to Sudanese territory and access to relevant Sudanese government documents. At some point, after arrest warrants are issued, the government will be asked to turn over suspects for trial. Although a spokesman for the prosecutor has promised that the Darfur investigation will be "quick and judicious," few expect arrest warrants to be issued before the end of the year. In the meantime, it is crucial that witnesses and victims of human rights violations be protected from intimidation and that crime sites such as mass graves be protected from tampering. Any effort by Khartoum to destroy evidence, intimidate witnesses, or unlawfully obstruct the ICC's investigation into Darfur should not be countenanced. It would be a direct challenge to the Security Council's authority in referring the Darfur case to the ICC, and would threaten the future of international justice. The prosecutor's progress over the next year in investigating and prosecuting this case will be crucial both to the people of Darfur and to the credibility of the court. Bringing justice to Darfur will not be an easy task, but it is a supremely necessary one. Joanne Mariner is a FindLaw columnist and human rights attorney. She has visited Darfur twice in the past year to document war crimes and crimes against humanity.