JOHN PRENDERGAST :Sudan's Ravines of Death

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JOHN PRENDERGAST :Sudan's Ravines of Death


    Sudan's Ravines of Death

    July 15, 2004
    By JOHN PRENDERGAST


    IN NORTHERN DARFUR, Sudan

    While Secretary of State Colin Powell, Secretary General
    Kofi Annan of the United Nations, and several members of
    Congress were in government-controlled areas of Darfur a
    few weeks ago, I crossed into Darfur's rebel-held
    territory. This is the part of Sudan that the regime
    doesn't want anyone to see, for good reason.

    I expected to see a depopulated wasteland rife with
    deteriorating evidence of the ethnic cleansing campaign
    pursued by the government of Sudan. The regime, in response
    to a rebellion begun by primarily non-Arab groups in early
    2003, armed the Janjaweed militia, giving them impunity to
    attack.

    I did indeed see numbing evidence of such a campaign in
    this Muslim region of Sudan, which is populated by Arabs
    and non-Arabs. Burned villages confirmed harrowing stories
    we had heard from Darfurians who were lucky enough to make
    it to refugee camps in Chad. About 1.5 million people have
    been left homeless, and as many as 300,000 may be dead by
    year's end. In village after village that I visited, the
    painstakingly accumulated wealth of the non-Arab population
    of Darfur - their livestock, their homes, their grainstocks
    - had been destroyed in a matter of minutes.

    I was not prepared for the far more sinister scene I
    encountered in a ravine deep in the Darfur desert. Bodies
    of young men were lined up in ditches, eerily preserved by
    the 130-degree desert heat. The story the rebels told us
    seemed plausible: the dead were civilians who had been
    marched up a hill and executed by the Arab-led government
    before its troops abandoned the area the previous month.
    The rebels assert that there were many other such scenes.

    The government's deadly portfolio in Darfur already
    includes the wanton burning and bombing of villages, the
    raping of women and girls, and the denial of humanitarian
    aid, all of which have so far claimed tens of thousands of
    lives. But judging from the scene in the ravine, executions
    may also be part of the assault.

    My colleague Samantha Power, the author of "A Problem from
    Hell: America and the Age of Genocide," and I traveled
    together through the refugee camps and the rebel-held
    villages. Refugees in Chad claimed their loved ones had
    been stuffed into wells by the Janjaweed to poison the
    water supply. We went looking for these wells and found
    them covered in sand, in what might be construed as an
    effort by the Sudanese regime to cover its tracks.

    While Western dignitaries visited the camps teeming with
    refugees from Darfur and elsewhere, I encountered large
    numbers of displaced civilians inside the rebel-held areas
    of Darfur, where no camps exist and not a drop of
    international assistance has been delivered. There are
    potentially hundreds of thousands of survivors who have
    fallen through the cracks. Some of them say they are afraid
    to travel to government-controlled camps and unable to make
    it to the border. They are running out of food.

    It is urgent that the United Nations, donors and
    nongovernmental organizations demand access to these
    desolate areas, to deliver aid to the people left behind.

    And it is not enough to collect testimonies only from
    refugees in the government camps, as the State Department
    is beginning to do. Investigators must cross into the
    rebel-held zones of Darfur to exhume evidence and conduct
    inquiries there as well.

    Obviously, in such a dire situation security is paramount,
    both for the delivery of humanitarian aid and for the
    creation of conditions to allow Darfurians to return to
    their homes. For all the visibility of Darfur lately, the
    United Nations and others have accepted a Sudanese plan
    under which the wolf will guard the henhouse. The
    international community has called on the government to
    disarm the same militias it helped create and arm, and to
    use the government police to patrol the same camps the
    regime has been terrorizing. A mere 300 African Union
    troops spread over an area the size of France are meant to
    ensure the government's change of heart.

    This formula guarantees that six months from now the
    Janjaweed will still be in a position to kill, rape and
    pillage, leaving unchallenged the ethnic cleansing campaign
    that has changed the map of Darfur.

    In one interview after another, Sudanese refugees and those
    displaced but still within Sudan's borders told us that
    they would never trust the government to disarm the
    Janjaweed, that only an international force could protect
    them. Sufficient numbers of elite Rwandan and Nigerian
    forces, now conceived of as the bulk of the African Union
    contingent, could lead such an effort if they were properly
    financed, equipped and otherwise supported by Europe and
    the United States.

    There has been a great deal of tough talk since the visits
    of Mr. Powell, Mr. Annan and others, but the United Nations
    Security Council so far has failed to act decisively. It is
    time to move directly against regime officials who are
    responsible for the killing. Accountability for crimes
    against humanity is imperative, as is the deployment of
    sufficient force to ensure disarmament and arrangements to
    deliver emergency aid. The sands of the Sahara should not
    be allowed to swallow the evidence of what will probably go
    down as one of the greatest crimes in our lifetimes.

    John Prendergast, who worked on African affairs for the
    Clinton administration from 1996 to 2001, is an adviser to
    the International Crisis Group, an independent
    conflict-prevention group
                  


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