دعواتكم لزميلنا المفكر د.الباقر العفيف بالشفاء العاجل
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 وقع هنا للتضامن مع اللاجيئين السودانين فى القاهرة
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يمكنك التوقيع هنا للتضامن مع اللاجئين السودانيين فى اعتصامهم بالقاهرة
اضغط على اللنك ادناه. سوف تنقلك اللنك الى موقع فى النت يمكننا من جمع التوقيعات وارسالها الى الجهات المحددة فى خطاب التضامن. خطاب التضامن يطالب الامم المتحدة بتوفير كل الحقوق التى يكفلها القانون الدولى , وهى تلك الحقوق التى منعتها عنهم السياسة التى يتبعها مكتب مفوضية اللاجئين بالقاهرة , هنا نطالب بالغاء هذه السياسة( او مراجعتها) واى اجراءات تمنع اللاجيئين حقوقهم التى يوفرها لهم القانون الدولى. فى الخطاب دعم للمطالب التى قدمها المعتصمون. فى الخطاب ادانة لسلوك موظفى مكتب شئون اللاجئين , وهو سلوك فى مجموعه يهين ويحط من كرامة السودانين , ومطالبة بالتحقيق فى الموضوع .
اذن وقع هنا, واعمل على نشر خبر هذا البيان بين الاسرة ةالاصدقاء ومواقع السودانين فى الانترنت .
والموقع هو :
http://www.petitiononline.com/lelbalad/petition.html
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Re: وقع هنا للتضامن مع اللاجيئين السودانين فى القاهرة (Re: isam ali)
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لاجئ سوداني ينهون اعتصامهم أمام مكاتب الأمم المتحدة في القاهرة
القاهرة وكالات
وافق نحو 1500 لاجئ سوداني كانوا يقيمون منذ اكثر من شهرين في حديقة عامة فى حى المهندسين امام مكاتب المفوضية العليا للاجئين في القاهرة، على انهاء اعتصامهم بعد ان قررت المفوضية العليا الاستجابة لمطالبهم.
وقال مكتب المفوضية العليا للاجئين في القاهرة في بيان امس ان «قادة الاعتصام الذي يقوم به حوالي 1500 سوداني وافقوا على انهاء احتجاجهم بعد ان قدمت لهم المفوضية العليا للاجئين تعهدا كتابيا بالاستجابة لمطالبهم».
وكان اللاجئون السودانيون وهم في غالبيتهم من الجنوب، يطالبون بالاحتفاظ بوضعهم كلاجئين مسجلين لدى المفوضية العليا ومنحهم اللجوء الى الولايات المتحدة ودول اوربية ويرفضون العودة الى السودان .
يذكر ان المفوضية العليا التي تمنح المسجلين لديها مساعدات مالية كانت الغت هذه الاعانات معتبرة ان اتفاق السلام اوجد واقعا سياسيا جديدا في السودان، وفتح الباب امام عودة الاف اللاجئين السودانيين المقيمين في الدول المجاورة الى بلدهم. وتوفي خمسة من هؤلاء اللاجئين بسبب سوء الظروف الصحية التي كانوا يعانون منها اثناء اعتصامهم.
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Re: وقع هنا للتضامن مع اللاجيئين السودانين فى القاهرة (Re: isam ali)
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شكرا يا عصام لأتحاتك هذه الفرصه لنا والتى يمكن ان نسميها اضعف الأيمان ,,,,,,,
((( قلوبنا معكم يا ناس القاهره وربنا يفرج عليكم,,,
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Re: وقع هنا للتضامن مع اللاجيئين السودانين فى القاهرة (Re: isam ali)
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الصحافة..الجمعة 14 أكتوبر05 :
منظمات تحمل القاهرة مسؤولية تدهور أوضاع اللاجئين السودانيين في مصر
القاهرة: وكالات
حملت المنظمات الحقوقية، الحكومة المصرية ومفوضية اللاجئين مسؤولية تدهور أوضاعهم. على خلفية الاعتصام المفتوح الذي ينظمه اللاجئون السودانيون بمصر احتجاجاً على تدهور أوضاعهم القانونية والمعيشية ، وتجاهلهم من قبل مفوضية شؤون اللاجئين بالأمم المتحدة، والحكومة المصرية.
وقال الحقوقي أشرف ميلاد ، الناشط في مجال الدفاع عن حقوق اللاجئين بمصر ، ان كلا الجانبين «الحكومة المصرية والمفوضية» يتحملان المسؤولية بالتساوي عن تدهور أوضاع اللاجئين السودانيين، موضحاً أن المفوضية جمدت المقابلات القانونية معهم منذ يوليو 2004 حتى ديسمبر2005، وأغلب الظن، سيتم تجديدها ستة أشهر أخرى.
وأضاف ،ان الغالبية العظمى من مطالب اللاجئين ومشاكلهم يمكن حلها، خاصة أنها تتعلق بالجوانب الانسانية مثل مقابلتهم من قبل مفوضية اللاجئين، والاجتماع معهم وتسجيلهم، وتوفير الحماية القانونية لهم، مع عدم السماح لهم بالعمل في مصر، ومن الممكن السماح لهم بالأعمال البسيطة والهامشية حتى يستطيعوا تدبير أمور حياتهم.
وأوضح أشرف ميلاد أن اللاجئين السودانيين المقيمين في مصر ، طبقاً لاتفاقية جنيف للاجئين لعام 1951 ، يصل عددهم إلى نحو 16 ألف لاجئ يمثلون 76% من عدد اللاجئين بمصر البالغ عددهم نحو 21 ألف لاجئ، فيما يتراوح عدد السودانيين المقيمين بمصر بشكل عام بين ثلاثة وخمسة ملايين سوداني.
وكان السودانيون طالبو اللجوء بمصر قد بدأوا اعتصاماً مفتوحاً على مدار الساعة منذ 12 يوماً ، احتجاجاً على تدهور أوضاعهم المعيشية، وتجاهل مفوضية شؤون اللاجئين لهم.
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Re: وقع هنا للتضامن مع اللاجيئين السودانين فى القاهرة (Re: عبد الله عقيد)
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الاخ / عصام على
سلامات وعافية
اوقع
محمد احمد النور جبريل
Quote: لم يعد هناك أي سبب ليطلب مواطن سوداني اللجوء
لدولة أخرى.. فقد تحقق السلام وتم وضع دستور جديد
يكفل الحريات لكل مواطن.. وقد تشكلت حكومة وحدة
وطنية.. وتغيرت الأوضاع.. |
الاخ / عبداللله العقيد
سلامات وعافية
من حقك ان ترى ان الاوضاع قد تحسنت ولكن تقصد اين(السودان ) ام الخرطوم؟؟!
اذا كنت تقصد ان الخرطوم قد تحسنت قد تكون محقا اما كل السودان فهو غير ما قلت
بعد تشكيل هذه الحكومة (وحدة وطنية ) لا يزال هناك العديد من المعتقلين السياسين !!
الحرب لم تضع اوزارها فى الشرق ودارفور لا تقطع عنها اخبار القتل والاغارات حتى على معسكرات النازحين.
اسمح لى بالاختلاف معك انه ليس من حقك ان تحدد متى يكون اللجوء مشروعا ومتى يكون يكون محظورا
اتمنى ان يعود كل اللاجئين السودانيين الى السودان ولكن ما نتماه شئ وما يقول به الواقع شئ اخر
لك التحية
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Re: وقع هنا للتضامن مع اللاجيئين السودانين فى القاهرة (Re: Kostawi)
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Sudanese refugees in Cairo: "We'll wait here;we'll die here
*This article was written by Alex Gomez, Themba Lewis, Martin Rowe,
Assad Khalid Salih, Leslie Sander, Stacy Schafer and Helen Smith. They
are students at the Forced Migration and Refugee Studies Programme in
Cairo, Egypt.
Sudanese refugees have been holding a sit-in since September 29th in
front of Mustafa Mahmoud Mosque in Cairo's Mohandiseen district,
significantly situated near the regional office of the Cairo office of
the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). After nineteen days, the
demonstration continues to grow larger; one observer counted 600 men and
approximately 200 children and the women numbered 400 estimated around
1200 people, and refugees say that others continue to join them from as
far away as Alexandria and the Sinai. Saturday, the 15th, when refugees
who have work are having a day off, the numbers were doubled.
Refugees have listed at least thirteen demands, chief among them
protection from forced repatriation (The demonstrators described the
current option provided by UNHCR as "compulsory voluntary repatriation")
protection of vulnerable groups, the reopening of 'closed files' and
eventual resettlement to a third country. Demonstrators point to war in
Darfur, violence in Khartoum, landmines and total lack of infrastructure
in the South as evidence against claims to safety and stability. They
complain of high levels of discrimination and violence against their
communities as well as arbitrary detentions here in Egypt.
Refugees complain about arbitrary detentions and there are banners with
photographs named cases of individuals killed or disappeared in this
country. They are particularly disturbed about the lack of protection of
unaccompanied minors, the elderly, and unsupported women who head
households. They are also worried about sexual abuse of the women and
children.
Until about three years ago, UNHCR rejected the majority of applicants
for determination interviews, an action contrary to the provision of
prima facie recognition under the 1969 OAU Convention. Consequently
thousands of cases were closed under "questionable" circumstances, an
institutional failure that demonstrators want rectified. Refugees at the
sit-in are also worried about sexual abuse, not only of women but of
their children as well. Not the least of their complaints is the
treatment meted out to them by UNHCR staff, which they describe as
arrogant and rude - people recall being greeted by interviewers with
remarks such as, "Tell me your lies."
A woman from Darfur articulates her problems with Egyptians, but she is
not talking about any Egyptians, she means an Egyptian woman at UNHCR.
Four months ago she went to UNHCR to ask about registering her daughter
for school. The UNHCR staff member took her yellow temporary protection
card and her passport and has never returned them. The last time she
went there to retrieve them, they were reported lost, but no attempt was
made to replace even her yellow card.
They also reject the notion of "integration into Egyptian society" and
the new "four freedoms" legislation, enacted in 2004, which entitles
Sudanese and Egyptian nationals to enter each other's countries without
a visa, hold residence, own property, and work. Accepting the four
freedoms, they argue, will be tantamount to accepting the authority of
the government from which they fled.
They say that black Sudanese are daily exposed to racial discrimination
and are afraid to let their children play in the streets. We ourselves
observed a group of teenage boys taunting and harassing the
demonstrators with slurs such as "black dogs" and other epithets. The
refugees are demanding they be sent to a country where they would not
face discrimination.
Sudanese refugees from all parts of their country have been arriving in
Egypt since the civil war began in 1983. They joined the other 3 million
Sudanese migrants who have been settled here for generations. Up until
1995, Egypt operated an "open door" policy to all Sudanese, and UNHCR
generally assumed it unnecessary to grant refugee status to new arrivals
even though they were fleeing war and persecution. After the 1995
assassination attempt on President Mubarak in Ethiopia, presumed to be
facilitated by the Sudanese government, Egypt revoked many basic
privileges such as education and healthcare once enjoyed by Sudanese
residents and imposed visa and residency requirements on all new
arrivals.
Subsequently UNHCR began interviewing individuals to determine their
refugee status. Neglecting Egypt's signatory status to the OAU
Convention and working solely under the 1951 Convention definition,
interviewers applied appallingly low procedural standards in determining
refugee status. (Michael Kagan, 2002, "Assessment of Refugee Status
Determination Procedure at UNHCR's Cairo Office, 2001-2002", Working
Paper No. 1, Forced Migration and Refugee Studies, The American
University in Cairo.)
Ironically, had the same refugees fled to Uganda or Kenya, they would
have received prima facie recognition under Article 2 of the OAU
Convention recognizing refugees who have fled from, among other things,
civil disorder. Since most "closed files" represent people who are
refugees and cannot return, they are relegated to the margins of
society, have no valid documents, and risk detention and refoulement
(The term refers to forcibly repatriating refugees to a country where
they face persecution. The right to non-refoulement is now customary
international law).
Since UNHCR has stopped conducting individual status determination
interviews, they have been issuing 'yellow cards' indicating that the
holder is an asylum seeker. A yellow card grants no rights beyond
residency and, theoretically, healthcare in extreme emergencies, through
CARITAS, UNHCR's implementing partner. One interpretation of this shift
is that UNHCR is rightfully encouraging the Egyptian government to
recognize refugees on prima facie basis; another interpretation is that
UNHCR will be able to convince all Sudanese to repatriate. The
demonstrators are protesting this new arrangement and demanding that
they should be individually interviewed for refugee status.
Organization of The Demonstration
A meter-high fence surrounds the park. The refugees have closed off all
but one of the entrances to allow their internal security to monitor the
crowd. Walkways partition the park into sections for women and children,
and men. The perimeter of the park is hung with bold-lettered English
and Arabic banners on which are written a variety of slogans. "Attention
please: Who will restore our rights?" asks one; "We reject local
integration," and "We are the victims of mismanagement," read others.
The banners include political cartoons and special displays devoted to
those who have disappeared or been killed in Egypt.
Upon entering, the deliberate and careful organizational structure
inside becomes strikingly clear. All visitors are required to identify
themselves to the refugee security, and sometimes to the Egyptian police
as well. The refugee security officials are easily distinguished by
their red vests and badges. Journalists and students are quickly ushered
into the garden and introduced to a media representative who provides
copies of their demands. They are then directed to different
demonstrators eager to articulate their experiences and complaints;
translators are readily provided.
For the large number of people in this relatively small place, the
atmosphere is surprisingly tranquil. There is no shouting, just a low
murmur and a few crying children set against the background of a
congested Cairo street. Multi-coloured sheets are hung up to protect
people from the hot midday sun. The park has been kept clean; garbage is
regularly collected; mats and blankets cover the ground in a haphazard
patchwork. Donations are collected from within the group and food is
distributed nightly. People have access to toilets at the mosque across
the street and at the homes of sympathetic friends in the area. Some
leave for work and personal matters but return to keep the numbers up.
Even the leaders leave in shifts.
Three times a day the group's motivational speakers and morale builders
address the group for some 45 minutes. An occasional cheer or round of
applause interrupts the otherwise silent crowd that is captivated by the
speaker's commanding voice emanating from the megaphone. He reminds them
to "respect this place - it is your community" and "respect the police,
they are protecting us." The speakers instruct them to ignore the people
who pass by hurling insults.
The demonstrators are to remain within the garden, stay orderly, and
avoid violence and rowdy behaviour. The organizers know what went wrong
at last year's protest and are determined not to repeat the same
mistakes (In August 2004, an Egyptian NGO, SOUTH, mobilized a group of
Sudanese to protest the issue of yellow cards. A meeting was organized
with UNHCR at 2p.m. but refugees began arriving at 7 a.m. Around noon,
things began to turn violent, police were called and tear gas was used
to disperse the crowd. Twenty Sudanese were detained.) They take
rightful pride in the dignity and resolve of all who continue to weather
the days in this small park, and are quietly celebratory of the unity
they have found in their defiance.
The organizing force behind the demonstration calls itself Refugee
Voices. According to one spokesperson, the group was "formed by
accident" after three leaders of the protest attended a Human Rights and
Refugee Law seminar in March. A few weeks later, these three men and
some other leaders of the Sudanese community were discussing complaints
being voiced by members of their refugee communities. The creation of
Refugee Voices was seen as a way to compile and examine the issues
facing Sudanese refugees and begin searching for solutions.
By mid-September, frustrated by a lack of progress with UNHCR, they
decided to take action. A list of grievances was assembled and
preparations were made to deliver it to the UNHCR office to be followed
by a protest if their demands were not met. This action was planned to
coincide with the start of Ramadan in the opening days of October. It
was ultimately moved forward after one member of the group broke ranks
and, with a separate group, approached UNHCR directly with the list. In
response, the others began the sit-in early - on the 29th of September -
and have subsequently barred him and his friends from the demonstration.
UNHCR and the Sit-In
During the first days of the sit-in a select group of the organizers had
the opportunity to meet with a UNHCR official at the Cairo office, Ahmed
Mohsen, the Deputy Protection Officer. One demonstration organizer
reported Mr. Mohsen as saying UNHCR is in no position to resolve their
demands; "there are 58,000 Sudanese refugees in Cairo and there is no
way UNHCR could possibly be there for all of them."
At another meeting, the demonstrators report UNHCR patronizingly
lectured them on the 1951 UN Convention and 1969 OAU Convention. UNHCR
subsequently closed its offices for the 'foreseeable future,' fearing
possible violence. After four days of closure, they have now reopened.
Out of fear of reprisals, the refugees refused to give their names to
UNHCR at the few meetings they held. There is a palpable distrust of
UNHCR and little expectation that their demands will be heeded. They
feel that UNHCR is not only ignoring them but undermining their rights.
Therefore the demonstrators are focusing their attention more broadly.
"We won't find a solution here. We want the international community to
come," one demonstrator told us, "and bring attention to the real
problem here". Indeed, the first banner at the gates of the
demonstration asks in bold English letters, "Where is the international
media?"
What's next?
So far, the only international attention that the demonstration has
garnered is from the Sudanese Embassy. The protestors routinely see
embassy vehicles circling the sit-in during the day, but at 3 a. m. on
15 October, four men in an embassy car stopped and began distributing
alcohol among some refugees. The leaders apprehended the four men and
turned them over to the police, who promptly took them away. Refugees
unscrewed the rear license plate of the vehicle, and are retaining it as
evidence of the encounter.
More incidents like this could jeopardize the future of the
demonstration, and the refugees worry about how long the police will
allow them to stay. One policeman told us that the demonstration "is
illegal, but we are being patient". How long this patience will last is
unclear.
When asked about future plans for the sit-in refugees appeared resolved
to stay indefinitely even if UNHCR continues to refuse their demands.
They say the desperation that brought them here will keep them here. "We
will wait here, we will die here," declared one woman. "We have no other
place to go."
*Refugees Voices has setup an email so that supporters can sign on:
[email protected] ,
and are using a website:
www.sudaneseonline.com ,
*A continuation of this article will be featured in next week's edition
of Pambazuka News, focusing on UNHCR's reactions to the demonstration
and further developments.
*Photographs of the protest can be seen at:
http://www.flickr.com/photos/fahamu .
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Kostawi
Adil Osman
عمر ادريس محمد
محمدين محمد اسحق
ayman haroun
Muna Khugali
بشير حسـن بشـير
عماد شمت
طلال عفيفي
nada ali
osama elkhawad
ابراهيم بقال سراج
الواثق تاج السر عبدالله
قاسم المهداوى
Abdelfatah Saeed Arman
humida
adil amin
Ahmed Mohamedain
salah elamin
عثمان البشرى
عبد الله عقيد
hanadi yousif
محسن خالد
فيس بوك
تويتر
انستقرام
يوتيوب
بنتيريست